IP: Advice to a Superpower

[David Farber <dave () farber net>]

This article from NYTimes.com

Advice to a Superpower

February 11, 2002

By MARGARET THATCHER



LONDON -- "Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant
nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and
shaking her invincible locks." Milton's words perfectly
describe America today. After the horror of Sept. 11 the
world has seen America gather its strength, summon its
allies and proceed to wage war halfway across the globe
against its enemy - and ours.

America will never be the same again. It has proved to
itself and to others that it is in truth (not just in name)
the only global superpower, indeed a power that enjoys a
level of superiority over its actual or potential rivals
unmatched by any other nation in modern times.
Consequently, the world outside America should never be the
same either. There will, of course, arise new threats from
new directions. But as long as America works to maintain
its technological lead, there is no reason why any
challenge to American dominance should succeed. And that in
turn will help ensure stability and peace.

Yet, as President Bush has reminded Americans, there is no
room for complacency. America and its allies, indeed the
Western world and its values, are still under deadly
threat. That threat must be eliminated, and now is the time
to act vigorously.

In many respects the challenge of Islamic terror is unique,
hence the difficulty Western intelligence services
encountered trying to predict and prevent its onslaughts.
The enemy is not, of course, a religion - most Muslims
deplore what has occurred. Nor is it a single state, though
this form of terrorism needs the support of states to give
it succor. Perhaps the best parallel is with early
Communism. Islamic extremism today, like Bolshevism in the
past, is an armed doctrine. It is an aggressive ideology
promoted by fanatical, well-armed devotees. And, like
Communism, it requires an all-embracing long-term strategy
to defeat it.

The first phase of that strategy had to be a military
assault on the enemy in Afghanistan, a phase that is now
approaching its end. I believe that while the new interim
government there deserves support, the United States is
right not to allow itself to become bogged down with
ambitious nation-building in that treacherous territory.
Some would disagree, arguing that the lesson of the present
crisis is that neglect of failed states causes terrorism.
But this is trite. It implies a level of global
interventionism that almost everyone recognizes is quite
impractical.

The more important lesson is that the West failed to act
early and strongly enough against Al Qaeda and the regime
that harbored it. And because there is always a choice in
where you concentrate international efforts, it is best
that the United States, as the only global military
superpower, deploy its energies militarily rather than on
social work. Trying to promote civil society and democratic
institutions in Afghanistan is best left to others - and
since those "others" now include the British, I only hope
that we, too, are going to be realistic about what can (and
cannot) be achieved.

The second phase of the war against terrorism should be to
strike at other centers of Islamic terror that have taken
root in Africa, Southeast Asia and elsewhere. This will
require first- rate intelligence, shrewd diplomacy and a
continued extensive military commitment. Our enemies have
had years to entrench themselves, and they will not be
dislodged without fierce and bloody resistance.

The third phase is to deal with those hostile states that
support terrorism and seek to acquire or trade in weapons
of mass destruction. We have gotten into the habit of
calling them "rogue" states. There is nothing wrong with
that, as long as we don't fall into the trap of imagining
that they will always and on every issue fit into the same
slot.

For example, Iran and Syria were both sharply critical of
Osama bin Laden, the Taliban and the attacks of Sept. 11.
Nevertheless, they are both enemies of Western values and
interests. Both have energetically backed terrorism: the
former has just been caught out dispatching arms to foment
violence against Israel. Iran is also making strides toward
developing long-range missiles that could be armed with
nuclear warheads.

Other critics of Sept. 11 are a menace, too. Libya, for
example, still hates the West and would dearly like revenge
against us. And Sudan undertakes genocide against its own
citizens in the name of Islam. As for North Korea, the
regime of Kim Jong Il is as mad as ever and is the world's
main proliferator of long-range ballistic missiles that can
deliver nuclear, chemical or biological warheads.

The most notorious rogue is, without doubt, Saddam Hussein
- proof if ever we needed it that yesterday's unfinished
business becomes tomorrow's headache. Saddam Hussein will
never comply with the conditions we demand of him. His aim
is, in fact, quite clear: to develop weapons of mass
destruction so as to challenge us with impunity.

How and when, not whether, to remove him are the only
important questions. Again, solving this problem will
demand the best available intelligence. It will require, as
in Aghanistan, the mobilization of internal resistance. It
will probably also involve a massive use of force.
America's allies, above all Britain, should extend strong
support to President Bush in the decisions he makes on
Iraq.

The events of Sept. 11 are a terrible reminder that freedom
demands eternal vigilance. And for too long we have not
been vigilant. We have harbored those who hated us,
tolerated those who threatened us and indulged those who
weakened us. As a result, we remain, for example, all but
defenseless against ballistic missiles that could be
launched against our cities. A missile defense system will
begin to change that. But change must go deeper still. The
West as a whole needs to strengthen its resolve against
rogue regimes and upgrade its defenses. The good news is
that America has a president who can offer the leadership
necessary to do so.


Margaret Thatcher, prime minister of Britain from 1979 to
1990, is author of the forthcoming book, ``Statecraft:
Strategies for a Changing World.''

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/11/opinion/11THAT.html?ex=1014456352&ei=1&en=891fe1d4d716784e



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