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IP: "SMELLS LIKE TEXAS"


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Fri, 29 Jun 2001 13:17:16 -0400



X-Sender: >X-Sender: spaf@128.10.241.20
Date: Tue, 29 May 2001 12:21:05 -0500
To: dave () farber net
From: Gene Spafford <spaf () cerias purdue edu>
Cc: Mari L Schupp <schuppm () earthlink net>

I read the article "SMELLS LIKE TEXAS" that you posted about 10 days ago, 
authored by Greg Palast.   I read some of the enclosed links to other 
stories, and then a day or two later got one of them via another mailing 
list.   The article in question was on the "failure of the US News Media" 
and can be found at 
<http://www.mediachannel.org/views/whistleblower/palast.shtml>.

Well, we've seen several postings about news media failures, and big-money 
interests' influence on news reporting, etc.  So I thought I'd get a 
comment from one of the more thoughtful journalists I know, Dave 
Wilson.  I sent the article on to him.

He had some good comments about the nature of the media, and how it 
differs between print and WWW.

Enclosed is his response, forwarded with his permission.

Date: Tue, 29 May 2001 09:51:15 -0700
To: spaf () cerias purdue edu
From: Dave Wilson <dave () wilson net>
Subject: Re: Comment?


Hi pal. I'm actually unpacked, so things are getting better <g>.

I think there are indeed a couple of distinctions between the British press
and its U.S counterpart that are rather interesting (I've recently spent
some time in New Zealand, so I reached some of these conclusions over the
past few months). But first, let me offer you an off the cuff critique of a
basic allegation contained within the screed you sent me: It's factually
incorrect.

Let me quote:

I also freely offered up to CBS this information: The office
of the governor of Florida, brother of the Republican
presidential candidate, had illegally ordered the removal of
the names of felons from voter rolls -- real felons, but
with the right to vote under Florida law. As a result,
thousands of these legal voters, almost all Democrats, would
not be allowed to vote.

One problem: I had not quite completed my own investigation
on this matter. Therefore CBS would have to do some actual
work, reviewing documents and law, and obtaining statements.
The next day I received a call from the producer, who said,
"I'm sorry, but your story didn't hold up." Well, how did
the multibillion-dollar CBS network determine this? Why, "we
called Jeb Bush's office." Oh. And that was it.

In fact, Florida is one of nine states that do not allow convicted felons
to vote. Oops. I didn't ask Jeb Bush about this; I looked it up. (I'm not
just a geek; I'm a geek with a political science degree <g>). So ordering
felons off the voting roles is not illegal. The quickest way to get a
reporter to lose interest in your story is to get the basic facts wrong.

Now, if somebody is a felon from another state and that state has restored
his civil rights after time served and that person later moves to Florida,
the Sunshine State won't roll over and let said felon vote unless the felon
presents documentation to the Florida authorities stating that the right to
vote has officially been restored by the other state, or the felon
effectively gets the Florida governor or legislature to effectively grant a
kind of clemency.

While that's not exactly nice, it's also not illegal. In recent months
Florida has announced that it's officially changing its policy to
automatically reinstate voting rights if you're a felon from a state where
such rights are automatically reinstated, so no paperwork or appeal will be
needed. But the whole felons don't vote thing has quite a long history in
this country and it's one of the few things that will follow you around
post-rehabilitation. I interviewed G. Gordon Liddy at his home in 1982 and
asked him what bothered him most about his conviction and jail time for the
Watergate break-in; he said not being able to vote greatly saddened him. At
which point I burst out laughing and asked him if in light of that he now
felt any differently about his attempts to disenfranchise millions of
Americans. He laughed and showed me his gun collection. Actually, as he was
quick to point out, convicted felons can't own guns, so Liddy had to give
up his gun collection. He looked very sad as he told me this. Then he
grinned and said, "*Mrs.* Liddy, however, has an *extensive* gun collection."

Liddy and I go way back; I became so enraged when he started saying that
there was a juror seated on the Watergate criminal trial who couldn't speak
English that I filed a petition with the U.S. District Court twenty years
ago to get the trial transcript unsealed. When the court did so, I
triumphantly called Liddy at home -- yeah, his number is listed -- and
invited him to meet me at the National Archives to pick up the transcript
with me. We went over the documents during lunch at the National Gallery,
where Liddy and his legal team ate during the trial. You can imagine how
embarrassed I was when the transcript showed that one of my heroes, Judge
John Sirica, was forced to interrogate juror number seven with the attorney
for the Cuban burglars acting as an interpreter to establish a breach of
the sequester. Even more bizarro, juror number seven happened to be a Cuban
immigrant. He got tossed off the jury, but only after the Cuban defendants
dropped their not guilty pleas. The whole thing still gives me the willies.

Never heard that story? It's only been published in a couple of places.
Like the wire services. It's my own little contribution to Watergate lore.

My point in mentioning this tale is to underscore the hit and miss nature
of the journalism business. Now, the Watergate stuff was old news when I
got the transcript, so it's not strange that it didn't make the front page
of the Washington Post. So I'm not bitter. Really, I'm not <g>. But even
current stuff often falls through the cracks. For instance, I wrote a
column March 15  explaining how the hacker community has developed very
usable alternatives to DeCSS -- which was always kind of flaky anyway --
and I even told people how to find them. I've been practicing my testimony:
"That's not a URL, your honor. That's a proper name. My understanding of
the First Amendment -- at least as it was explained to me in my
Constitutional law classes -- suggests that Congress cannot pass a law
restricting the press from writing proper names. Although perhaps I'm
mistaken, since I would have thought that would apply to URLs as well."
Amazingly, the fact that people no longer use DeCSS to rip DVDs is never
mentioned in any article about the current litigation revolving around DeCSS.

Them's the breaks. Eventually, somebody important -- that would be somebody
besides moi -- will write about these things, and the world will take
notice. Greg Palast apparently thinks his colleagues aren't properly
following his lead on important stories. He pats himself on the back pretty
vigorously for his hard-nosed coverage of corrupt American politics, but
I'd suggest he may be taking the easy way out. We colonials don't have to
deal with the Official Secrets Act, which means we don't have to worry
about winding up in jail for embarrassing the administration. Or did he
miss the recent impeachment madness? Little lambs indeed.

Palast's rant appears to claim that U.S. media outlets didn't note problems
with voter lists prior to the Nov. 2000 election. That's ludicrous.
Granted, most of the focus over the past year has been aimed at efforts to
prevent fraudulent voting -- ballots from the graveyard, that sort of thing
--  but plenty of newspapers noted that such attempts often kept people
eligible to vote from voting. Virginia has had a lot of troubles with this,
as has Illinois. How did I know that? Why, I read it in the newspaper.

The fact is, Florida papers did indeed cover the felon story -- that is,
people who were denied the right to vote who were not in fact felons,
apparently because many of them shared a name with a felon and were then
placed on a felon list -- including the St. Petersburg Times, routinely
cited as one of the top ten papers in this country. It is also, as an
aside, owned outright by a non-profit, the Poynter Institute, dedicated to
the study of journalism. Making the Guardian less than unique in this
regard. Mr. Palast never actually mentions how he got wind of the Florida
felon story. Perhaps some anonymous tipster called him and read aloud from
the Miami Herald.

Why didn't national papers pick up the felon list problem until well after
the election? Well, I'd argue that, absent any actual evidence to suggest a
deliberate attempt to disenfranchise blacks or Democrats -- and, lets be
clear about this, right now there is none, just investigations and lawsuits
-- the Florida felon debacle was a local story until months later when we
all realized that the presidential election was a statistical dead heat.
And then we spent two months counting chad, watching angry mobs brought in
and paid for by a certain political party trying to intimidate those in
charge of the recount process, and tracking down rumors of whether JB was
sleeping with KH. And then another three months trying to count the
freaking ballots. The felon story, in short, only got on the national radar
screen at the very end of that process, when we all figured out that less
than 1,000 votes separated the winner from the loser.

But my point, and I do have one, is this: I believe that one of the
distinctions between the British press and mainstream U.S. press is that
U.S. reporters *hate* being wrong. The Brits don't mind being wrong so
much, as long as they occasionally beat their opponents to the scoop. Major
U.S. newspapers, however, place a premium on accuracy and precision, which
means that, yeah, we're less likely to go forward with a story without two
independent sources verifying the facts. I can perhaps illustrate this by
pointing out the eighth of a page devoted to corrections in a typical daily
American newspaper, which a cynic would suggest carries the following
subtext:  "Apart from these few trivial paragraphs, everything else in
yesterday's paper was 100 percent accurate."

Hah.

So, okay, the mainstream U.S. press is more cautious than the Brits. But
there are alternative publications on both the left and the right that are
more willing to push the boundaries, and, when it turns out they've nailed
a story, the big guys will pick it up. The British press is, I would argue,
far more gossipy in nature than the mainstream U.S. newspapers. I'd even be
prepared to argue that the Web-based press has adopted the British model;
lots of news on the Web is dripping with attitude, but light on actual facts.

I've read the Guardian. Its pages are stocked with standard, "on the one
hand, on the other hand" journalism ("Racial Tension Thought Cause of
Riot") that could run on the front page of any U.S. newspaper. We call this
stuff balanced and we call the people who write it reporters. It's
important. But the Brits are far more fond of what U.S. papers would call
news analysis or outright commentary than their U.S. counterparts. I would
argue that this is what Mr. Palast does, and recently, it's what I've
started doing for a living. It's a very liberating experience, and it's
just as important to the electorate as impartial journalism, but I don't
confuse it with straight reportage. If I should decide to declare that
every word Mr. Gates says is a lie, including "a," "an," and "the," I'm
certainly not going to chastise my journalistic brethren as corporate
stooges for failing to gather round my bonfire. That's not their job, you
see. The way it works is, they gots their job, and I gots mine. Their job
is to fairly and accurately portray every facet of every position on the
significant arguments of the day. My job is piling up wood. In a purely
metaphorical sense, of course.

Palast does make one important point, though not directly. Mainstream
journalism in this country is dependent on authoritative sources, which
can, on occasion, be a completely ineffective way of doing business if
you're actually interested in understanding reality. (I once had an editor
insist that there must be somebody in charge of the Internet; he was
practically reduced to a state of catatonia when he finally accepted the
fact that we couldn't get a quote from the chief executive officer running
the show). This is why the dotcom story exploded: Everybody involved -- the
companies, the bankers, the analysts, the investors, the industry, and the
visionaries -- was pimping for everybody else. And journalists quoted them,
so everybody involved -- except the journalists, poor saps -- made a pile
of money, until, like some giant Ponzi scheme, the whole thing collapsed.

I got into a bit of trouble with my former employers at the San Jose
Mercury News in 1998 when Yahoo claimed to be profitable and my story -- in
contrast to the stories of every other major newspapers out there -- said
they weren't really making money. Note that I got in trouble because this
was a news story and I led with my own analysis of the numbers, not the
analysis touted by the analysts and official experts; those qutoes were in
the story, but I didn't make them the lead. I got away with it because in
fact the company wasn't making money, and truth, thank goodness, is an
absolute defense for us. But people -- good people, mind you, solid
journalists who were trying to do what was right -- were very, very unhappy
with me; there was some suspicion that I was exhibiting bias. And I suppose
I was, after a fashion, since I was continually cursing under my breath the
lying sacks of fecal matter that were pumping up phony numbers. But I
digress. Now that the bubble has collapsed, everybody's doing stories on
those phony pro forma numbers that were used to justify claims of
profitability and the insane stock valuations. Everything worked out okay
for me, but I think in general saying the emperor has no clothes is not a
great career strategy for a reporter, especially when everybody else is
running around praising the emperor's fashion sense. Fortunately, everybody
loves a good contrarian columnist. Life am good.

In closing, I think Mr. Palast's basic claim that it's legal for felons to
vote in Florida is false on its face. There's an old saying in American
journalism: If your mother says she loves you, check it out. And here's
another: Nothing ruins a good story like getting the facts.

Warm regards.

-dave


At 11:25 AM 5/27/2001 -0500, you wrote:
Hi, Dave.  How's things?

As I was reading this, I thought of you -- you have, in fact, spent
time doing research to uncover stories, although your beat isn't the
national political scene.   So, I was wondering if you have any
comment on this?   (If you have time and interest -- this is so out
of the blue....)

Hope you're well,
--spaf




Date: Sun, 27 May 2001 07:05:08 -0400
From: Mari L Schupp <schuppm () earthlink net>
X-Accept-Language: en
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] The Failure of U.S. Journalism

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] The Failure of U.S. Journalism (fwd)
Date: Wed, 23 May 2001 10:12:03 -0400
From: Alan Sondheim <sondheim () PANIX COM>
From: Art McGee <radicalnegro () yahoo com>

http://www.gregpalast.com/detail.cfm?artid=33&row=1
http://www.mediachannel.org/views/whistleblower/palast.shtml

Media Channel

March 1, 2001

[Investigative reporting about voting rights violations in
the US have been page one news -- in Britain. MediaChannel
advisor and journalist Gregory Palast, who writes for the
Observer and reports for the BBC, is fighting mad about the
disinterest shown by U.S. outlets in stories that are making
waves worldwide. He pulls no punches and he does name names.]

Silence of the Lambs:
The Failure of U.S. Journalism

By Greg Palast <gregory.palast () guardian co uk>

Here's how the president of the United States was elected:
In the months leading up to the November balloting, Florida
Governor Jeb Bush and his Secretary of State, Katherine
Harris, ordered local elections supervisors to purge 64,000
voters from voter lists on the grounds that they were felons
who were not entitled to vote in Florida. As it turns out,
these voters weren't felons, or at least, only a very few
were. However, the voters on this "scrub list" were,
notably, African-American (about 54 percent), while most of
the others wrongly barred from voting were white and
Hispanic Democrats.

Beginning in November, this extraordinary news ran, as it
 >>should, on Page 1 of the country's leading paper.
Unfortunately, it was in the wrong country: Britain. In the
United States, it ran on page zero -- that is, the story was
not covered on the news pages. The theft of the presidential
race in Florida also was given big television network
coverage. But again, it was on the wrong continent: on BBC
television, London.

Was this some off-the-wall story that the Brits misreported?
A lawyer for the U.S. Civil Rights Commission called it the
first hard evidence of a systematic attempt to
disenfranchise black voters; the commission held dramatic
hearings on the evidence. While the story was absent from
America's news pages (except, I grant, a story in the
Orlando Sentinel and another on C-Span), columnists for The
New York Times, Boston Globe and Washington Post cited the
story after seeing a U.S. version on the Internet magazine
 >>Salon.com. As the reporter on the story for Britain's
Guardian newspaper (and its Sunday edition, The Observer)
and for BBC television, I was interviewed on several
American radio programs, generally "alternative" stations on
the left side of the dial.

Interviewers invariably asked the same two questions, "Why
was this story uncovered by a British reporter?" And, "Why
was it published in and broadcast from Europe?"

I'd like to know the answer myself. That way I could
understand why I had to move my family to Europe in order to
print and broadcast this and other crucial stories about the
American body politic in mainstream media. The bigger
question is not about the putative brilliance of the British
press.

I'd rather ask how a hundred thousand U.S. journos failed to
get the vote theft story and print it (and preferably before
the election).

Think about "investigative" reporting. The best
investigative stories are expensive to produce, risky and
upset the wisdom of the established order. Do
profit-conscious enterprises, whether media companies or
widget firms, seek extra costs, extra risk and the
opportunity to be attacked? Not in any business text I've
ever read. I can't help but note that the Guardian and
Observer is the world's only leading newspaper owned by a
not-for-profit corporation, as is BBC television.

But if profit-lust is the ultimate problem blocking
significant investigative reportage, the more immediate
cause of comatose coverage of the election and other issues
is what is laughably called America's "journalistic
culture."

If the Rupert Murdochs of the globe are shepherds of the new
world order, they owe their success to breeding a flock of
docile sheep, the editors and reporters snoozy and content
with munching on, digesting, then reprinting a diet of press
releases and canned stories provided by officials and
corporation public relations operations.

Take this story of the list of Florida's faux felons that
cost Al Gore the election. Shortly after the UK and Salon
stories hit the worldwide web, I was contacted by a CBS
network news producer ready to run their own version of the
story. The CBS hotshot was happy to pump me for information:
names, phone numbers, all the items one needs for a quickie
TV story.

I also freely offered up to CBS this information: The office
of the governor of Florida, brother of the Republican
presidential candidate, had illegally ordered the removal of
the names of felons from voter rolls -- real felons, but
with the right to vote under Florida law. As a result,
thousands of these legal voters, almost all Democrats, would
not be allowed to vote.

One problem: I had not quite completed my own investigation
on this matter. Therefore CBS would have to do some actual
work, reviewing documents and law, and obtaining statements.
The next day I received a call from the producer, who said,
"I'm sorry, but your story didn't hold up." Well, how did
the multibillion-dollar CBS network determine this? Why, "we
called Jeb Bush's office." Oh. And that was it.
 >>
I wasn't surprised by this type of "investigation." It is,
in fact, standard operating procedure for the little lambs
of American journalism. One good, slick explanation from a
politician or corporate chieftain and it's case closed,
investigation over. The story ran anyway: on BBC-TV. Let's
understand the pressures on the CBS producer that led her to
kill the story on the basis of a denial by the target of the
allegations. (Though let's not confuse understanding with
forgiveness.)

First, the story is difficult to tell in the usual 90
seconds allotted for national reports. The BBC gave me a
14-minute slot to explain it.

Second, the story required massive and quick review of
documents, hundreds of phone calls and interviews, hardly a
winner in the slam-bam-thank-you-ma'am school of U.S.
journalism. The BBC gave me two weeks to develop the story.

Third, the revelations in the story required a reporter to
 >>stand up and say the big name politicians, their lawyers and
their PR people were freaking liars. It would be much
easier, and a heck of a lot cheaper, to wait for the U.S.
Civil Rights Commission to do the work, then cover the
Commission's canned report and press conference. Wait!
You've watched "Murphy Brown," so you think reporters hanker
every day to uncover the big scandal. Bullshit. Remember,
"All the President's Men" was so unusual they had to make a
movie out of it.

Fourth, investigative reports require taking a chance.
Fraudsters and vote-riggers don't reveal all their evidence.
And they lie. Make the allegation and you are open to
attack, or unknown information that may prove you wrong. No
one ever lost their job writing canned statements from a
press conference.

Fifth -- and this is no small matter -- no one ever got sued
for not running an investigative story. Let me give you an
example close to home. The companion report to my
investigation of the theft of the election in Florida was a
story about Bush family finances. I wrote in the Guardian
and Observer of London about the gold-mining company for
which the first President George Bush worked after he left
the White House. Oh, you didn't know that George H. W. Bush
worked for a gold-mining company after he lost to Bill
Clinton in 1992? Well, maybe it has to do with the fact that
this company has a long history of suing every paper that
breathes a word it does not like -- in fact, it has now sued
my papers. I've gotten awards and thousands of letters for
these stories, but, honey, that don't pay the legal bills.

Finally, there's another little matter working against U.S.
reporters running after the hard stories, papers printing
them or TV broadcasting the good stuff. I'll explain by way
of my phone call with a great reporter, Mike Isikoff of
Newsweek. Just before the elections, Isikoff handed me some
exceptionally important information about President Clinton,
material suggesting corruption in office -- the real stuff,
not the interns-under-the-desk stuff. I said, "Mike, why the
hell don't you run it yourself?" and he said, "Because no
one gives a shit!" Isikoff was expressing his exasperation
with the news chiefs who kill or bury these stories on page
200 on the belief that the public really doesn't want to
hear all this bad and very un-sexy news. These lambchop
editors believe the public just doesn't care.

But they're wrong. When I ran my first story in the London
Observer about the theft of the Florida vote, Americans by
the thousands flooded our Internet site. They set a record
for hits before the information-hungry hordes blew down our
giant server computers. When BBC ran the story, viewership
of the webcast of Newsnight grew by 10,000 percent as a
result of Americans demanding to see what they were denied
on their own tubes. Obviously, some Americans care.

And it's for them that I say, This is Greg Palast reporting
from exile.

--

Award-winning investigative reporter Gregory Palast's
 >>column, "Inside Corporate America" is published every other
week in The Observer, London (Guardian Media Group). To
reprint, to comment, or to read other Palast reports, go to
www.GregoryPalast.com.

Copyright (c) 2001 Gregory Palast. All Rights Reserved.



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