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IP: What if Washington DC was taken out?


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 04:44:32 -0500


From: "RV Head" <4whp () home com>

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A17786-2001Dec9.html

Worst-Case Scenario: The U.S. Has None Constitutional Crisis, Chaos Foreseen
if Top Leaders Killed



By Dana Milbank Washington Post Staff Writer Monday, December 10, 2001; Page
A01



Imagine the unimaginable: The president, in the White House, the vice
president, at the National Observatory, and all Cabinet members, in their
respective agency headquarters, are killed in a terrorist attack on downtown
Washington. So are all members of Congress, except the few who happen to be
out of town.

What happens to the Republic? At the moment, the answer is alarming: chaos.
The Sept. 11 attacks and subsequent release of anthrax on Capitol Hill have
left many lawmakers and constitutional experts concerned that the federal
government does not have adequate succession and continuity plans in place
to recover from a catastrophic terrorist attack on Washington.

Current contingencies, designed during the Cold War and based on an
intercontinental nuclear strike for which there would be warning, offer
limited guidance for the government in the case of a nuclear, biological or
chemical attack by terrorists that devastates all three branches.

The Sept. 11 attacks brought the problem to light. Although such an event is
highly unlikely, there is no plan for replacing the president, the House of
Representatives and the top echelons of the judiciary if virtually the
entire federal leadership were to be destroyed.

The changes since Sept. 11 have been mostly logistical. Vice President
Cheney is often taken to a "secure undisclosed location." All members of
Congress and some top aides have been given BlackBerry devices allowing them
to receive immediate, confidential information about a security threat or
evacuation plan. The House has ordered the wiring of an alternative meeting
place at Fort McNair in the District if the Capitol cannot be used.

But several people who have studied the scenarios said these adjustments
fall far short of what is necessary. Current law allows only for special
elections in the case of House members, which would take weeks, although
senators can be replaced by their state governors.

"We have to realistically think about something more catastrophic," said
Rep. Brian Baird (D-Wash.), who has proposed a constitutional amendment
allowing governors to appoint new representatives if a large number of
lawmakers were killed or incapacitated. "If somebody hits us in a severe and
coordinated attack, there will be great confusions and possibly a
constitutional crisis."

Norman Ornstein, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, called
current government preparations "utterly irresponsible." He favors a version
of Baird's proposal and revisions to the Presidential Succession Act of
1947 -- possibly adding state governors into the line of succession. "It's
about having a Congress and having a president at a time when you need it
most. There are a lot of times when every single person in the line of
succession is inside the Beltway, and we live in a time where it's
conceivable to lose everybody inside the Beltway."

Long before Sept. 11, the federal government planned for the unimaginable.
President Bill Clinton's National Security Council had an aide who handled
nothing but continuity-of-government issues, his work shrouded in secrecy.
Aides to President Bush say they had been contemplating changes to assure
continuity in government even before this fall's attacks. Those involved in
the discussions were not permitted to be interviewed, and the White House,
citing security concerns, declined to discuss any proposals.

"We continue to take a look at those plans and see what steps need to be
taken, need to be changed," a White House spokeswoman said. "A lot of these
plans that were fashioned and formed based on the Cold War, while needing to
be fine-tuned, are not irrelevant."

The administration last month proposed to Congress an emergency spending
procedure that would allow the president, in consultation with congressional
leaders, to continue government operations for 30 days at existing funding
levels if spending authority expires during a crisis when Congress cannot
convene.

The White House dropped the proposal when congressional and administration
aides could not agree on the structure of such a mechanism. Congress was
willing to give the president such authority if congressional leaders from
both parties agreed, but lawmakers said they balked when the White House
sought permission to act only after consulting the House speaker.

John Feehery, spokesman for House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.), ruled
out constitutional changes such as Baird's proposal. "We've had no
discussions on moving any legislation," he said. "We don't think there's any
movement toward having a change in the Constitution."

Still, even those who oppose a proposal as lofty as Baird's see need for
change. Rep. Victor F. Snyder (D-Ark.) said he objects to the amendment
allowing governors to name representatives in a crisis because "we ought to
be very cautious about doing away with this important quality that our
framers intended of House members being elected." Even if all but a few
representatives were killed, "I do not see that the government would cease
functioning," he said.

Instead, Snyder wants to encourage states to revise special-election laws to
allow them to expedite elections to replace representatives who die.

The government has long had precautions to protect those in line of
succession, most visibly the practice of keeping one Cabinet member out of
the House chamber for the State of the Union address. But many Cold War
practices -- such as building a bunker for lawmakers to meet beneath the
Greenbrier resort in West Virginia -- assume there would be warning before
an attack.

But if terrorists using the element of surprise were to wipe out the
government, "we don't have anything in place that would deal very adequately
with that matter," said David E. Kyvig, a constitutional historian at
Northern Illinois University. "That could be a cause for chaos."

The framers understood conventional warfare, but not terrorists armed with
germs and nuclear devices. "James Madison was not exactly in tune with the
nuclear age," Kyvig said.

Among the ideas lawmakers and scholars are pondering:

Rep. James R. Langevin (D-R.I.) proposes an "eCongress" system, a secure
computer system for voting and communicating among members of Congress if
they could not meet at a single location because of an emergency. He seeks
permission from the House Administration Committee to study the possibility.

Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) proposes changing the presidential succession
line so that if the president and vice president were to die, a previously
designated congressional leader from the president's party would assume
office. Currently, succession goes to the House speaker and Senate president
pro tempore, then to members of the Cabinet.

Ornstein favors a variety of reforms: more meeting places for Congress
outside Washington, a law designating a court to replace the Supreme Court
if the justices are killed and replacing the Senate president pro tempore
(usually the oldest member) with the majority leader for purposes of
succession. Ornstein would also add governors to the succession, most likely
by state population.

Baird, probably the most aggressive lawmaker on the subject, favors
alternative meeting places for Congress -- and not merely Fort McNair, which
would likely be destroyed by the same nuclear bomb that would destroy the
Capitol. Congress could meet in state capitals, he suggested.

Baird's top priority, though, is the quick, temporary replacement of
lawmakers killed or incapacitated in a terrorist strike if more than 25
percent of the chamber is affected. Technically, the House could operate
with only a few members, because the law requires only a majority of members
to be present for a quorum.

But, Baird said, "if we have a House of Representatives that's in the hands
of four or five people, we've done a disservice to the framers." More than
30 similar proposals had been offered during the Cold War without success,
according to the Congressional Research Service.

Baird said Bush seemed "very interested" in the plan and suggested Baird
take it up with Cheney.


© 2001 The Washington Post Company

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