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"Our Murrow Moment"


From: "Dave Farber" <farber () gmail com>
Date: Sat, 31 Dec 2016 14:48:24 -0500




Begin forwarded message:

From: Lauren Weinstein <lauren () vortex com>
Date: December 31, 2016 at 2:05:16 PM EST
To: nnsquad () nnsquad org
Subject: [ NNSquad ] MUST READ and SHARE, PLEASE: "Our Murrow Moment"


MUST READ and SHARE, PLEASE: "Our Murrow Moment"

[Complete Text]

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/12/31/our-murrow-moment.html

     "We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty...We will not be
   driven by fear into an age of unreason." - Edward R.  Murrow

   If you think 2016 has been a wild and rough ride, just wait
   'til you get a load of 2017.  

   Given everything we know about Donald Trump from his divisive,
   demagogic presidential campaign, the next four years will be a
   stress test for the American system.

     The Trump Years promise to be full of Oval Office insults,
   Twitter attacks and disregard for facts. But rather than
   viewing the prospect of covering a Trump administration with
   exhaustion, we should feel invigorated. Because when this time
   is done, we will look back on it as the best and most
   important time to be a journalist - not because it was easy,
   but because it was hard and our sense of mission was clear: to
   respect the office of the President while holding the person
   in power accountable against a standard of enduring American
   values.  

   For journalists, Edward R. Murrow offers durable inspiration.
   The man who brought the Battle of Britain home to Americans
   via radio and pioneered TV News at CBS, is probably best known
   today from "Good Night and Good Luck," directed by George
   Clooney. Murrow famously risked his career to confront a
   popular and powerful conservative populist demagogue, Senator
   Joe McCarthy. He secured his legacy through a commitment to
   independence and integrity.  

   McCarthy used lies and innuendo to intimidate critics,
   famously parading a fake list of communists in the State
   Department, accusing a Democratic administration of
   participating in a vast conspiracy to subvert our sovereignty
   and falsely declaring that the ACLU a communist front group.
   In an ironic bit of symmetry, among his aides was a young true
   believer named Roy Cohn, who would later become attorney for
   both mob bosses and Donald Trump. It was from Cohn that Trump
   learned to never apologize, always attack.  

   Pushing back against the dark tides of his times, Murrow
   preached fearlessness rooted in fairness.  In my office at
   Beast HQ, I have a Murrow quote on a brass plaque: "To be
   persuasive we must be believable; to be believable we must be
   credible; to be credible we must be truthful."  

   Trump's political success was based on declining trust in all
   civic institutions - especially the media. Not coincidentally,
   this decades-long decline directly parallels the rise of
   partisan media, which has allowed people to self-segregate
   into separate political realities. As conservative radio host
   Charlie Sykes recently reflected, "We've basically eliminated
   any of the referees...we have spent 20 years demonizing the
   liberal mainstream media...But, at a certain point you wake up
   and you realize you have destroyed the credibility of any
   credible outlet out there."  

   This election's sinister innovation of "fake news" came when
   this diet of confirmation bias collided with click bait,
   polluting our political waters with propaganda.

     Journalists determined to hold Trump accountable must
   understand that offering nothing but reflexive criticism will
   reduce their credibility. We'll need to give credit for the
   policies the administration gets right so that our criticisms
   carry weight. We'll need to offer a roster of reporters and
   columnists with credibility on both sides of the aisle instead
   of predictable partisanship.

     But it does not mean surrendering our principles or indulging
   in the idiotic "on-the-one-hand, on the other" drift toward
   moral relativism that blurs the line between fact and fiction.
   Separating truth from lies is journalism's core
   responsibility. When a McCarthy defender accused Murrow of
   "bias and hypocrisy," Murrow coolly replied, "If the weight of
   public testimony has tended to show that so far, Senator
   McCarthy's charges are unproven, that is not my
   responsibility."

     Of course, aiming for the truth doesn't make you immune from
   criticism.  Some conservatives will call anyone who isn't
   conservative a leftist and unleash howling Twitter mobs on
   them. Liberals have their own identity politics litmus tests
   that the more militant among them trot out to condemn any one
   who dares disagree with them.

     Here, too, the example of Ed Murrow offers some perspective.
   Before taking on McCarthy, he was considered a fairly
   conventional anti-communist, backing the execution of the
   Rosenbergs for spying on behalf of Russia. He'd also been
   called a warmonger by isolationists for his belief that
   American should stand up to Hitler. Contrary to his critics'
   caricatures, Murrow was not a Democrat or a Republican but a
   registered independent. As his colleague Charles Collingwood
   said, "His politics were based on old-fashioned notions of
   morality and honor, not ideology." His influence stemmed from
   his independence.

     But after taking on McCarthy, Murrow was called a communist
   "fellow traveler" and worse. The Wisconsin Senator denounced
   him as "the cleverest of the jackal pack, which is always
   found at the throat of anyone who dares to expose individual
   communists and traitors."

     Conservative columnists constantly attacked Murrow and his
   crew, driving the broadcaster Dan Hollenbeck to commit
   suicide. J. Edgar Hoover ordered an expansion of his FBI file.
   Murrow's eight-year old son was subjected to slurs and their
   home was inundated with letters and postcards of hate, the
   doxxing of his day. When asked how they were holding up, his
   wife Janet calmly explained "we were under worse in London."

     That is the sound of perspective. Journalists who've stood up
   to Trump, particularly those on the center-right, were trolled
   and doxxed throughout the campaign. The Daily Beast's
   reporters were threatened by Trump's senior staff, our site
   was denounced by the candidate and we were among the first
   news organizations to be placed on his campaign's blacklist.
   Reporters from the Washington Post to the Arizona Republic
   received death threats for daring to criticize - or not
   endorse--The Donald.  Trump allies have doubled down on the
   campaign's blacklist by floating the notion of an "enemies
   list," echoing Trump's favorite ex-president, Richard Nixon.
   Trump and his geo-political paramour Vladimir Putin have a
   common aim to intimidate critics while creating the false
   sense of security that comes from rallying around a strong man
   draped in the flag.  

   But Murrow would not back down, famously confronting McCarthy
   on his show "See It Now" in the spring of 1954, subjecting his
   opponent's statements to the cool scrutiny of facts combined
   with unusual eloquence for a television anchorman.  

   His words echo with new urgency today.  "We must not confuse
   dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that
   accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon
   evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in fear, one
   of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of
   unreason if we dig deep in our history and our doctrine and
   remember that we are not descended from fearful men, not from
   men who feared to write, to speak, to associate, and to defend
   causes which were for the moment unpopular."  

   Murrow's stand drew accolades - he was praised by the New York
   Times for "crusading journalism of high responsibility and
   courage, " reflecting "enlightened citizenship" while offering
   an "indictment of those who wish the problems posed by the
   senator's tactics and theatrics would just go away and leave
   them alone."  

   But he did not turn the tide in one night. His cause was, at
   the time, unpopular.  In fact, days after the broadcast, the
   president of CBS showed Murrow a poll that showed "more people
   trusted McCarthy than Murrow, and that one-third of the
   respondents considered Murrow to be 'Communist or Communist
   sympathizer.'"  

   Truth often loses battles on the way to winning the larger war
   of history's judgment. Murrow's advertisers came under fire
   and his show was disgracefully moved to the comparative
   Siberia of a Sunday afternoon time slot, when corrupt quiz
   shows were deemed less problematic and more profitable.
   Murrow mocked the idea that "we must at all costs shield the
   sensitive citizens from anything that is unpleasant...[or]
   eliminate something that might offend some section of the
   community."  

   Even now, we are seeing success among news organizations that
   have maintained the courage of their convictions rather than
   simply playing to the lowest common denominator. The New York
   Times is seeing a surge in subscriptions since Trump's
   unexpected win while the Washington Post has achieved
   profitability. At The Daily Beast, we have seen another record
   year in terms of traffic and revenue, reaching more than 1
   million readers a day with high loyalty and engagement - more
   than doubling our traffic from four years before. The lesson
   is clear: quality journalism attracts a quality audience.  

   In time, Murrow's example inspired courage in other citizens
   that ultimately reached the halls of Congress. When the lawyer
   Joseph Welch confronted McCarthy by asking "have you no sense
   of decency," that courage became contagious, inspiring
   Republican colleagues like Margaret Chase Smith to stand up to
   the demagogue, spurring a Senate investigation into McCarthy
   and his tactics.  Republicans who denounced candidate Trump as
   dangerously irresponsible, ignorant and unqualified are now
   lining up to get on board - some motivated by a sense of
   service, others by rank opportunism. Reform Republicans will
   be a critical principled balance of power in our era as well.

   Trump is, of course, not McCarthy. For one thing, he is far
   friendlier to Russia. But the point of studying history isn't
   the search for perfect parallels but finding the courage to
   confront our own challenges, armed with a sense of
   perspective.  Mark Twain reportedly said, "history doesn't
   repeat, but it often rhymes." Maybe Donald Trump will be the
   first person in human history to campaign as a demagogue and
   not govern as one.  We'll hope for the best but prepare for
   the worst on that front. But we already know that how we
   handle the next four years as a nation will echo across this
   century.  

   Trump's rise coincides with a broader ethno-nationalist
   pushback against liberal democratic values occurring across
   the western world. Already, studies are showing that only 30%
   of millennials feel it's essential to live in a democracy,
   compared to 75% of their grandparents' generation, who
   actually had to fight for freedom against fascism and
   communism. Situational ethics is rampant, with Republican
   approval of Russia's Vladimir Putin skyrocketing after it was
   revealed that his government tried to influence the election
   on Trump's behalf. Willful ignorance is on the rise as well,
   with nearly 50% of Trump voters believing the unhinged fake
   news story that Hillary Clinton was involved in a sinister,
   non-existent, pedophile ring. These trends represent a crisis
   of our capacity for self-government.  

   This is our generation's responsibility to fix. We sometimes
   simplify the risk when we look back at moral battles in
   history.  But the actors then were surrounded by doubt. They
   didn't know how it would all turn out.  The best we can do is
   imagine how the choices we make today will look in twenty
   years time and act accordingly.  That also means resisting
   cynical arguments for inaction that often provide a
   fashionable mask for fear.  

   The character of our country didn't change on Election Day.
   Trump's mandate may be thin - after all, he lost the popular
   vote by an unprecedented 2.9 million and won the Electoral
   College by a margin of roughly 100,000 in three states - but
   he will be our next president.  We should all want his
   administration to succeed so that our country succeeds. And so
   we must find a way to unite as a nation without falling into
   the trap of normalization, shrugging off Oval Office Twitter
   attacks on dissenting citizens or private businesses,
   reframing lies as simply exaggerations and undermining the
   integrity of facts by labeling all news "fake news." We cannot
   turn our backs on our best, most inclusive traditions.  

   "We can deny our heritage and our history," Ed Murrow warned,
   "but we cannot escape responsibility for the result." This is
   on us, not just journalists but all citizens who are committed
   to putting patriotism ahead of partisanship. This is our
   Murrow moment.

- - -

--Lauren--




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