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Giving Revisionists a Bad Name
From: Dave Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Tue, 24 Jun 2003 07:57:24 -0400
------ Forwarded Message From: Richard Forno <rforno () infowarrior org> Date: Tue, 24 Jun 2003 07:08:28 -0400 To: Dave Farber <dave () farber net> Subject: Giving Revisionists a Bad Name Dave, a relevant (and quite good, IMO) WashPost editorial for your info and IP if you like.....rf http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A24687-2003Jun23.html?nav=hpto c_eo Giving Revisionists a Bad Name By Alexander Keyssar Tuesday, June 24, 2003; Page A21 Last week, in a speech to business leaders in Elizabeth, N.J., President Bush dismissed as "revisionist historians" those critics who have begun to question the administration's rationale for invading Iraq. His national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, made a similar claim a few days earlier. They both seem to think there is something suspect or illegitimate about revisionist history. Yet revising prevailing interpretations of historical events is precisely what historians do. As new evidence becomes available, or new research methods are developed, or the passage of time shifts our perspective, historians revise their accounts of the past and their explanations of key trends and developments: The writing of history is a continuing, collective effort to attain closer approximations of the truth. Indeed, revisionist history has a proud tradition in the United States -- despite the brief and ugly effort of Holocaust deniers to label themselves "revisionists." In the past 40 years, for example, self-consciously revisionist historians have profoundly recast our understanding of Reconstruction. Older, white supremacist histories that depicted that critical era as a struggle between heroic, well-meaning white southerners and ignorant ex-slaves, unscrupulous carpetbaggers and vengeful northern Republicans have been debunked by masses of evidence. In their place, we find more accurate, if even less pretty, chronicles of blacks and their allies struggling unsuccessfully to hold on to the rights that they were supposed to have acquired through the 14th and 15th amendments. Similarly, historians using new data have revised our knowledge of the history of social mobility in the United States, of the dynamics leading up to the Spanish-American War and of the personal lives of presidents from Thomas Jefferson to John Kennedy. The Pentagon Papers, as well as other documents and memoirs, have contributed to revisionist histories of the war in Vietnam. For the past 10 years, the history of the Cold War has been rewritten thanks to the opening of Soviet archives after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The issue here is not that President Bush has an inadequate appreciation of the historian's craft. (This may be true, but it matters to only a few of us.) It is, rather, that the president and his advisers want to promulgate an official version of history and to deride as untrustworthy any challenges to their account. This is not unusual: Participants in historical events always have a stake in the way the story gets told, and they are quick to usher their versions into the spotlight. The first histories of war and of major political conflicts are almost always told by the winners; the first sources of information tend to be men (and occasionally women) who hold the reins of power. But those official histories are always flawed and incomplete, precisely because the sources are partial and self-serving. Sooner or later, revisionist challenges emerge, provoking debates that are uncomfortable for political leaders, although salutary for the society those leaders are supposed to serve. That was true 30 years ago as the nation struggled with Vietnam, and it is no less true now. If, in fact, there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq this winter, and if, in fact, there were few ties between al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein, our interpretation of this most recent war and why we got into it must inevitably be reshaped. It is far too soon to tell how this war will look to historians in future generations, but getting as close to the truth now as we can is a matter of no small importance -- particularly as we face the prospect of a prolonged and costly occupation. It is understandable that the president and his advisers are unhappy with criticism of their conduct of the war. But revisionist histories -- multiple, competing, conflicting accounts of important events -- ought not be treated as suspect; they are instead expressions of intellectual and political life in a democracy. The suppression of revisionist history has generally been a mark of dictatorships -- from Hitler to Stalin to Saddam Hussein himself. Or have we forgotten that? The writer is Stirling professor of history and social policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. ------ End of Forwarded Message ------------------------------------- You are subscribed as interesting-people () lists elistx com To manage your subscription, go to http://v2.listbox.com/member/?listname=ip Archives at: http://www.interesting-people.org/archives/interesting-people/
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