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IP: Bayer's bad behavior raises larger questions: Dan Gillmor on Technology Mon Nov 05 16:45:11 EST 2001


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Tue, 06 Nov 2001 05:10:51 -0500





BY <mailto:dgillmor () sjmercury com>DAN G<mailto:dgillmor () sjmercury com>ILLMOR
Mercury News Technology Columnist

One of the enduring images of recent weeks will surely be the Cipro supply-and-demand spectacle. Amid a public-health emergency and near-panic in some circles, the patent-holding maker of the powerful antibiotic -- a drug that, for a time, was the only federally approved medicine for anthrax poisoning -- loudly haggled with the U.S. government over the price.

We got a lesson in profit-hunger, of course. But another important issue also surfaced when a light shone briefly on the drug development and patent systems. Profits and incentives to come up with new things are essential to capitalism, but Bayer's bottom-line focus looked unattractive in these circumstances.

Profiteering from panic or shortages is common. We saw it in spades earlier this year when energy companies took advantage of the mess in California's electricity market.

Even if it's ugly and anti-social at times, profiteering is useful in the larger sense. It reveals corporate character, for one thing. And high profits tend to bring new entrants into markets; competition ultimately serves us well.

But profiteering in a war or other national emergency raises questions. When, if ever, are there obligations beyond satisfying shareholders?

Bayer missed a chance to earn something the profits from Cipro will never provide. A company with more public-relations sense would have avoided the mess in the first place.

``If you need Cipro,'' the company should have told public-health officials at the outset of the anthrax outbreaks, ``we'll give you as much as you need, at cost.'' Like most people, I'd have been more inclined to seek out Bayer products in the future after seeing such a display of good citizenship. Now, of course, I'll go out of my way to avoid the company's products.

The more basic questions were about more difficult matters. In cases where products or services have government-granted monopolies, when, if ever, is it appropriate to use federal power to upset the system? More fundamentally, does the patent system, which gave Bayer its monopoly, serve the public interest?

On balance, the answer to the last question is yes. But the evidence suggests that the system of drug development needs an overhaul, particularly when it comes to fighting bioterrorism.

Actually, the worst patent problems aren't in pharmaceuticals. Technology patents, especially software and so-called ``business process'' patents, are a well-known disaster area. From all evidence the U.S. Patent & Trademark Office (PTO) sees its job mostly as issuing patents, as opposed to issuing good ones, and then letting the courts sort things out down the road.

That's how ridiculous patents get issued for absurd ``inventions'' such as multimedia CD-ROMs (it was later overturned) and Amazon's ``one-click'' shopping, which is under attack in court. Companies have learned to obtain their own questionable patents as self-defense if nothing else, which means that lawyers are taking positions from engineers.

The drug companies have abused the patent system in their own way. They use every trick in the book to prevent other companies from making generic versions after patents have expired, delaying the health-care savings that should be arriving sooner than later.

Drug patents are clearly useful to spur innovation, however. Given the high cost of developing new medications, a limited-time monopoly seems like a reasonable bargain.

But the industry's incentive to come up with anti-bioterrorism drugs before attacks is questionable. When profit is the sole motive, protecting against a possible problem isn't high on the list of development projects. Companies rationally would rather sell expensive drugs for chronic conditions than produce drugs that people might take for only a few days in an emergency. The government role here is obvious, and vital.

Protecting against bioterrorism will take much more than new drugs. It'll take quick detection systems, too. Information technology companies and instrument makers stand to win big in this area.

Should the public be hostage to a single company's profit-seeking? This is a difficult problem, and the U.S. government's jawboning of Bayer to lower the Cipro price was an important, if insufficient, response to a genuine problem. It turned out that other antibiotics were just as effective, which solved the immediate problem.

But the larger question remains. What if a start-up comes up with a superior method for sniffing the air quickly and reliably, and then patents it? Is this the best way to get good products? Sometimes. If price matters and the issue is life and death, can patents survive intact? Sometimes not.

People in Africa and other places with a high incidence of AIDS but not much national wealth are asking such questions about drugs that are relatively affordable in the United States but way out of range elsewhere. The U.S. pressure on Bayer was, at best, hypocritical given the hard-line stance our government, urged by the drug companies, has taken on letting developing-world nations make cheaper generic versions of expensive drugs still under patent.

Bayer, for its part, probably didn't expect to become a poster child for greed. The company has been running an advertising campaign designed to convince people that it wasn't doing anything unseemly in its Cipro sales and marketing. But an ugly odor remains.


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