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IP: Chapman, LA Times on Tech Policy...


From: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
Date: Thu, 17 Aug 2000 10:17:33 -0400



DIGITAL NATION

Tech Policy Likely to Emerge as a Key Issue in Campaign

By Gary Chapman

Copyright 2000, The Los Angeles Times, All Rights Reserved

During the Democratic Party convention here, we're not likely to hear much 
detail about the candidates' plans for science and technology policy. That 
would make even the most dedicated convention watchers reach for their TV 
remotes. But future science and technology policy will be an important 
centerpiece of many campaign issues, especially given Vice President Al 
Gore's history of running as a candidate of and for high tech.

When Gore and Clinton ran in 1992, they attracted the support of many 
high-tech leaders of that time who had previously been lifelong 
Republicans, such as Hewlett-Packard Co. President John Young and the 
then-head of Apple Computer Inc., John Sculley. Gore, in particular, who 
had been promoting the Internet for years as a senator with influence on 
science and technology policy, cast himself as a young and tech-savvy 
candidate in sharp contrast to President Bush. Bush came to represent an 
older generation who didn't yet grasp the importance of technology.

Of course, the 1992 election was before the "dot-com" delirium, the 
technology-spiked stock market boom, the sweep of the Internet around the 
world and the recognition that high tech is the driving force of the economy.

Now, in this year's election, no one underestimates the significance of 
technology. Gore has once again positioned himself as the candidate who 
best understands high tech, and he has the support of some major 
technology players such as Silicon Valley venture capitalist John Doerr 
and Apple Computer's Steve Jobs.

Moreover, the two presidential campaigns are shaping up as a referendum on 
how best to manage a technology-driven economy because the technology 
advisors surrounding George W. Bush are opposed to just about everything 
Gore believes in.

When Clinton and Gore came into office in January 1993, the first policy 
paper they produced was about their high-tech plans. Titled "Technology 
for America's Growth," the paper released just three weeks after their 
inauguration was a statement about a new direction for federal technology 
policy, one that emphasized targeted civilian technology investments 
instead of the old model of spending money on military research and 
development with the hope that something useful for the economy would then 
"spin off" from military research.

The Clinton administration also proposed a dramatic initiative of spending 
about $60 billion on various civilian programs, including technology 
research, during a time of crushing federal budget deficits. Their 
philosophy was that federal spending could jump-start the 
recession-plagued economy and that technology R&D would lead to prosperity 
and job creation.

Congress, however, balked because of the financial risk of this proposal, 
and only a few of the Clinton-Gore plans were funded. Then came the 
election of 1994, when the Republicans took over the House of 
Representatives and set the stage for six years of bitter conflict between 
Congress and the Clinton White House, which included, of course, a 
shutdown of the government and the second impeachment of a president.

The Republican who took over the chairmanship of the House Science 
Committee in 1994 was Robert S. Walker from Pennsylvania, handpicked for 
the job by his mentor, Newt Gingrich. Walker set about dismantling all the 
Clinton-Gore plans for science and technology. He cut the federal R&D 
budget 34% over five years, he tried to eliminate the Commerce Department, 
he regarded with contempt all the civilian investment programs Gore 
favored, and he slashed funding for programs such as renewable energy 
research and boosted funding for nuclear power. His committee held 
hearings on whether global climate change is real or not, hearings stacked 
with witnesses skeptical about global warming.

The late Rep. George E. Brown Jr., Walker's Democratic predecessor as 
chairman of the House Science Committee, called Walker "the most 
ideological chairman in the entire Congress."

Walker is now chief technology advisor to Gov. George W. Bush. Walker 
retired from Congress in 1997 and has been a lobbyist in Washington since 
then. His reappearance as an advisor to Bush portends a repeat of the 
battles of 1994, a time that heated up the politics of science and 
technology policy to a roiling boil.

Gore essentially believes the federal government's role is to support 
research and development in so-called critical technologies related to 
energy, transportation, the environment and the Internet, among other 
fields. He has been the political figure behind federal programs such as 
the Partnership for a New Generation of Vehicles program run by the 
Commerce Department, the Advanced Battery Consortium and Internet 2, the 
research program investigating a very high-speed successor to today's 
Internet technology.

Walker, however, believes that the government should invest only in basic 
scientific research and leave technological development to the private 
sector. Bush's platform on technology calls only for larger investments in 
military R&D, a $20-billion-per-year increase.

Gore's model is sometimes called "technology pull," meaning that the goal 
of accomplishing something grand, in scientific or technological terms, 
pulls the technology toward the goal. Examples include the Apollo space 
program in the 1960s and the goal of halting global warming.

Walker's approach is more like the Cold War decades of military R&D 
spinoffs, combined with a faith in the "black box" model of science, which 
means that the government simply dumps money into the mysterious black box 
of science and out comes something good for society.

If Gore is elected president and if the House reverts to a Democratic 
majority, Gore is likely to revive many of his technology investment plans 
that were nixed by Republicans six years ago. He may even restart the 
Congressional Office of Technology Assessment, the nation's only 
technology forecasting agency that was killed by budget cuts in 1995.

If Gore takes the White House and Congress remains in Republican hands, we 
can expect to see a continuation of the ideological conflicts over science 
and technology policy that exploded on the political stage in 1994-95. 
We'll then continue to muddle along in Washington, without much progress, 
until the "new economy" hits its first recession and the rules of the game 
change once again

Gary Chapman is director of the 21st Century Project at the University of 
Texas at Austin. He can be reached at >Texas at Austin. He can be reached at gary.chapman () mail utexas edu.

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