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IP: UK Decryption powers raise human rights concerns


From: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
Date: Sun, 01 Aug 1999 20:04:50 -0400



From: "Caspar Bowden" <cb () fipr org>
To: "Dave Farber (E-mail)" <farber () cis upenn edu>

http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/99/08/01/stiinnnws01005.html?99
9
E-commerce - Is the government doing enough for e-commerce?
No, writes Caspar Bowden. Plans for a tough encryption law are raising human
rights concerns

THE government's electronic communications bill is the latest step in the
long-running row over control of cryptography. It will give ministers broad
powers to control the use of encryption in electronic commerce and has met
with a mixed reception from industry.

David Svendsen, managing director of Microsoft, welcomed the bill as a
"golden opportunity" for Britain to become an e-commerce hub in Europe. But
Richard Sullivan of the Computer Software and Services Association (CSSA)
said closer co-operation with industry would be preferable to "introducing
strict penalties and a raft of secondary legislation provisions".

The bill was announced in the Queen's Speech last November, but was delayed
as it became clear industry would not wear regulation designed to foist "key
escrow" on users - the holding of spare keys by third parties in case needed
by the police.

The government expected the opposition to agree to the bill's introduction
this session of parliament. Instead, the Tories described it as a "dog's
breakfast" and blocked it.

Vestiges of the "trusted third party" idea remain, a statutory but voluntary
scheme for licensing bodies that provide encryption services. The Department
of Trade and Industry (DTI) says there may be no need to invoke the law and
is working with industry on self-regulation, but is keeping its options
open. If the climate in America changes, the key escrow powers with minimal
parliamentary scrutiny are still there.

New law-enforcement powers to demand unscrambling of intercepted e-mails and
coded data could wreck business and consumer confidence. The authorities
would be able to demand decryption keys from anyone; those withholding keys
would be presumed guilty unless they could show otherwise.

The Home Office argues that being asked to provide a decryption key is just
like requiring a DNA sample - but even a person not suspected of any crime
who has lost or forgotten their key would have to convince the court or go
to jail for two years.

Decryption notices could be served on associates, legitimate third parties
and legal advisers, with an obligation not to change keys if this would tip
off the suspect. The most chilling provision is that notices can contain a
total obligation of secrecy - this would prevent anyone complaining
publicly, with a penalty of five years imprisonment.

The Home Office fear is that if catch-22 safeguards unravel they face a
policy meltdown.

Ingeniously crafted for minimal compliance with a 1984 Commission on Human
Rights ruling, the 1985 Interception of Communications Act (Ioca) created a
tribunal that can only uphold a complaint if it is "manifestly unreasonable"
to issue a warrant. Otherwise the tribunal does not tell complainants
whether or not they were intercepted, on the ground that interception is
most effective when it receives least publicity. For the same reason
interception can only be used for intelligence, not evidence in court.

In the bill, a complainant's only recourse is to a secretive Ioca-style
tribunal, which can hold proceedings in their absence. The tribunal need not
disclose reasons for decisions, and operates special rules on burden of
proof and admissibility of evidence. Authorities with access to keys only
need maintain such safeguards "as considered necessary", and even flagrant
breaches of the code of practice would not "of itself" be a criminal
offence.

These issues are being dealt with in a DTI bill instead of the Ioca review
because the Home Office's position is that decryption is about maintaining
the effectiveness of existing legislation, but the Ioca review is about
eavesdropping methods for internet service providers.

Scientific reality does not conform to this legal framework. An encrypted
message can actually be camouflaged by steganography - hiding it in
digitised sound or pictures.

Decryption notices would apply not just to data that can already be seized
or intercepted under warrant, but also to published or public domain
material. In this case, nobody knows whether there is a safe, let alone a
key.

The Foundation for Information Policy Research believes that criminals
should not be able to hide behind encryption, but these proposals infringe
rights to privacy and a fair trial.

To prevent injustice and legal absurdities, a judge should issue a
decryption notice only when there is reliable evidence that the data
contains a hidden or encrypted message, the person on whom the notice is
served possesses a key and the data pertains to a serious crime.

To help the prosecution prove its case, Ioca may need to be changed to
provide courts with circumstantial evidence from intercepts.

The bill has been published for consultation and comments are due by October
8. Home Office ministers have so far not faced questions from the public or
parliament, but as minister in charge of the bill, Stephen Byers has made a
declaration of compliance with the European Convention of Human Rights.

He may wish to examine decryption powers again before putting his name to
the final bill this autumn.

Caspar Bowden is director of the Foundation for Information Policy Research
(http://www.fipr.org)



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