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IP: another view -- The Goals of Terrorism


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Sat, 22 Sep 2001 17:51:18 -0400


Date: Sat, 22 Sep 2001 14:43:07 -0700
To: farber () cis upenn edu (Dave Farber), freematt () coil com (Matthew Gaylor),
   Declan McCullagh <declan () well com>
From: Jim Warren <jwarren () well com>
Subject: Re: The Goals of Terrorism

The author of the following is a former Regius Professor of Modern History at
Oxford University.

The (London) Times
FRIDAY SEPTEMBER 14 2001
Sir Michael Howard

Terrorism has always fed off its response:  An indiscriminate American
reaction would only reinforce her enemies.

It is not surprising that in the immediate aftermath of the most terrible
terrorist outrage in recorded history, public figures from President Bush
down should have made statements that hardly stand up to critical examination.

One is that the attacks are "cowardly", though it takes a very remarkable
kind of cowardice to face the certain death that confronted the hijackers.
Another is that the attacks required resources that could only have been provided
with the support of "rogue states", although it is not evident that they
needed anything more than good organization, access to open information
about airline schedules, a dozen people prepared to die for their cause,
and a phenomenal amount of luck.

The most serious misconception however was that shown by Mr Bush when he
suggested that the aim of the terrorists was to push the United States into
"chaos and surrender". The history of terrorism suggests that their
objective was rather different; and that they are well on the way to
achieving it.   "Terrorism" is itself simply a technique for waging war, so
it makes little sense to talk about "waging war" against it. For small, weak
"non-state actors", it is usually the only means available. First developed
by revolutionaries in tsarist Russia in the 1870s, it was rapidly adopted by
Armenians and Macedonians in the Ottoman Empire, by Irish and Indians in the British
Empire, and anarchists everywhere in Western Europe and the United States.

The preferred technique was assassination of rulers and statesmen, combined
with bomb attacks on public buildings. There were three principal
objectives. One was  self advertisement - what was called "Propaganda of
the Deed" - to show the world that the group existed and was ruthless in its
determination to achieve its ends. The second was to demoralize the
government and its supporters. And the third was to provoke the government
into such savage acts of suppression that it forfeited public support and
awoke popular and international sympathy for the revolutionary cause. This
was known as a "strategy of provocation".

The record of success was patchy. The Turkish reaction to "provocation" by
the Armenians was so savage as almost to eliminate them from history, but
it created universal horror in the process. In Russia the main consequence
of suppression was fatally to delay liberal reform. In the stable and open
societies of the West, terrorist activities were no more than nasty
footnotes except perhaps in Ireland. But even there it was not "Fenian
atrocities" but the open challenge of the 1916 rebellion that provoked
British overreaction and led to Irish independence.

But terrorism remained, and remains, the weapon of the weak and highly
motivated, and "globalism" has provided its practitioners with new
opportunities, both for evasion and for propaganda.   "Globalism" has also
changed their target. In the 19th and 20th centuries terrorism was
primarily used either to fight internal oppression or to achieve national
independence. In Western Europe and the United States, revolutionary
groups saw it as an instrument in the class struggle, but mainline
Marxists rejected it as counter-productive. In the second half of the 20th
century it re-emerged; briefly as the weapon of young bourgeois idealists
in the West, but more seriously as the weapon of the Palestinian
dispossessed. Although they commanded the sympathy of much of the Arab and
Islamic world, the Palestinians had no hope of overcoming the Israelis so long as the latter
were supported by America. And in a confrontation with the United States
they had no lack of allies among those who resented its power, its
predominance, and the relentless spread of a culture that threatened so
many indigenous values.

The United States and its allies have declared that they are at war with
"terrorism", by which they mean, presumably, those who use it. As a figure
of speech, this is unhelpful and misleading. It implies a conflict with an
adversary who can be easily identified and ultimately "defeated". The
general assumption - and indeed hope - is that the enemy can indeed be
identified in the person of Osama bin Laden, and that military measures can
destroy him and his organization as "the free world" destroyed Hitler. But
there is clearly in the United States an understandable desire, not so much
to "bring him to justice" as to wreak vengeance on all those who seem to
support him: to deal such blows to the actual or perceived enemies of
America that no one will ever dare to attack them in such a fashion again.

If this view were to prevail, "the strategy of provocation" would have won,
and Mr Bush would be playing out the script written for him by the
terrorists themselves. The poor man has been confronted with perhaps the
most agonizing choice that has faced an American President. The domestic
pressure on him to respond in kind, and reply to terror with terror, must
be overwhelming; but were he to do so he would only multiply the number
of enemies of the United States throughout the world. To do nothing is
unthinkable; but how to find a measured, appropriate reply?  For the United
States is not "at war" in any recognizable sense of the word - certainly not
a war that can be "won". It is confronted with a hideous international crime,
whose perpetrators must if possible be identified,  isolated, and destroyed,
but in such a way that does not breed even greater hatred of the United States and even more martyrs willing to lay down their lives in the struggle against the
Great Satan.

The best service that America's allies can now render is to strengthen
those voices within the President's entourage who are urging moderation,
and ensure that the terrorists' strategy of provocation will not achieve
its object.



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