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IP: another view -- The Goals of Terrorism
From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Sat, 22 Sep 2001 17:51:18 -0400
Date: Sat, 22 Sep 2001 14:43:07 -0700 To: farber () cis upenn edu (Dave Farber), freematt () coil com (Matthew Gaylor), Declan McCullagh <declan () well com> From: Jim Warren <jwarren () well com> Subject: Re: The Goals of TerrorismThe author of the following is a former Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford University. The (London) Times FRIDAY SEPTEMBER 14 2001 Sir Michael Howard Terrorism has always fed off its response: An indiscriminate American reaction would only reinforce her enemies. It is not surprising that in the immediate aftermath of the most terrible terrorist outrage in recorded history, public figures from President Bushdown should have made statements that hardly stand up to critical examination.One is that the attacks are "cowardly", though it takes a very remarkable kind of cowardice to face the certain death that confronted the hijackers.Another is that the attacks required resources that could only have been providedwith the support of "rogue states", although it is not evident that they needed anything more than good organization, access to open information about airline schedules, a dozen people prepared to die for their cause, and a phenomenal amount of luck. The most serious misconception however was that shown by Mr Bush when he suggested that the aim of the terrorists was to push the United States into "chaos and surrender". The history of terrorism suggests that their objective was rather different; and that they are well on the way to achieving it. "Terrorism" is itself simply a technique for waging war, so it makes little sense to talk about "waging war" against it. For small, weak "non-state actors", it is usually the only means available. First developed by revolutionaries in tsarist Russia in the 1870s, it was rapidly adopted byArmenians and Macedonians in the Ottoman Empire, by Irish and Indians in the BritishEmpire, and anarchists everywhere in Western Europe and the United States. The preferred technique was assassination of rulers and statesmen, combined with bomb attacks on public buildings. There were three principal objectives. One was self advertisement - what was called "Propaganda of the Deed" - to show the world that the group existed and was ruthless in its determination to achieve its ends. The second was to demoralize the government and its supporters. And the third was to provoke the government into such savage acts of suppression that it forfeited public support and awoke popular and international sympathy for the revolutionary cause. This was known as a "strategy of provocation". The record of success was patchy. The Turkish reaction to "provocation" by the Armenians was so savage as almost to eliminate them from history, but it created universal horror in the process. In Russia the main consequence of suppression was fatally to delay liberal reform. In the stable and open societies of the West, terrorist activities were no more than nasty footnotes except perhaps in Ireland. But even there it was not "Fenian atrocities" but the open challenge of the 1916 rebellion that provoked British overreaction and led to Irish independence. But terrorism remained, and remains, the weapon of the weak and highly motivated, and "globalism" has provided its practitioners with new opportunities, both for evasion and for propaganda. "Globalism" has also changed their target. In the 19th and 20th centuries terrorism was primarily used either to fight internal oppression or to achieve national independence. In Western Europe and the United States, revolutionary groups saw it as an instrument in the class struggle, but mainline Marxists rejected it as counter-productive. In the second half of the 20th century it re-emerged; briefly as the weapon of young bourgeois idealists in the West, but more seriously as the weapon of the Palestinian dispossessed. Although they commanded the sympathy of much of the Arab andIslamic world, the Palestinians had no hope of overcoming the Israelis so long as the latterwere supported by America. And in a confrontation with the United States they had no lack of allies among those who resented its power, its predominance, and the relentless spread of a culture that threatened so many indigenous values. The United States and its allies have declared that they are at war with "terrorism", by which they mean, presumably, those who use it. As a figure of speech, this is unhelpful and misleading. It implies a conflict with an adversary who can be easily identified and ultimately "defeated". The general assumption - and indeed hope - is that the enemy can indeed be identified in the person of Osama bin Laden, and that military measures can destroy him and his organization as "the free world" destroyed Hitler. But there is clearly in the United States an understandable desire, not so much to "bring him to justice" as to wreak vengeance on all those who seem to support him: to deal such blows to the actual or perceived enemies of America that no one will ever dare to attack them in such a fashion again. If this view were to prevail, "the strategy of provocation" would have won, and Mr Bush would be playing out the script written for him by the terrorists themselves. The poor man has been confronted with perhaps the most agonizing choice that has faced an American President. The domestic pressure on him to respond in kind, and reply to terror with terror, must be overwhelming; but were he to do so he would only multiply the number of enemies of the United States throughout the world. To do nothing is unthinkable; but how to find a measured, appropriate reply? For the United States is not "at war" in any recognizable sense of the word - certainly not a war that can be "won". It is confronted with a hideous international crime, whose perpetrators must if possible be identified, isolated, and destroyed,but in such a way that does not breed even greater hatred of the United States and even more martyrs willing to lay down their lives in the struggle against theGreat Satan. The best service that America's allies can now render is to strengthen those voices within the President's entourage who are urging moderation, and ensure that the terrorists' strategy of provocation will not achieve its object.
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