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How America's Vision of Progressive Tax Reform Died


From: "Dave Farber" <farber () gmail com>
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2017 18:21:37 -0400




Begin forwarded message:

From: Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com>
Date: September 28, 2017 at 5:59:47 PM EDT
To: Multiple recipients of Dewayne-Net <dewayne-net () warpspeed com>
Subject: [Dewayne-Net] How America's Vision of Progressive Tax Reform Died
Reply-To: dewayne-net () warpspeed com

How America's Vision of Progressive Tax Reform Died 
Only by reclaiming an earlier ideal will Congress be able to counteract the influence of corporations and the 
affluent.
By JULIAN E. ZELIZER
Sep 28 2017
<https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/09/how-a-vision-of-progressive-tax-reform-died/541380/>

After his losing effort to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, President Trump is now moving on to “tax 
reform.” On Wednesday, he unveiled the outlines of his fiscal package, which will include slashing the corporate 
income tax rate from 35 to 20 percent, lower the top income tax rate from 39.6 to 35 percent, doubling the standard 
deduction for individual taxpayer, and increasing the lowest rate from 10 to 12 percent. The plan will include some 
loophole-closing reforms, though the details of the package are not yet clear. Trump was blunt about his rhetorical 
strategy at a meeting with evangelical leaders, when he reportedly said that talking about “tax reform” was a smarter 
strategy for communicating about the initiative than talking about “tax cuts.”

Trump’s definition of tax reform reveals how much has changed in recent decades. Tax reform once meant raising tax 
rates on wealthier Americans and closing loopholes that benefited powerful economic interests, all with the goal of 
redistributing income from the top to the middle and bottom income brackets. Until the 1980s, a progressive tax 
system was seen as the best mechanism for diminishing the gap that existed between the wealthiest and poorest 
Americans, while funding a social safety net to shore up the middle class and fund the military.

Today, even most of the president’s opponents on Capitol Hill will probably not push back against Trump’s proposal by 
calling for the kind of robust tax-reform agenda that had once been sine qua non for American liberalism.

Before 1913, the United States didn’t even have a progressive income tax at the federal level. In times of peace, the 
government derived most of its income from mechanisms that fell hardest on working Americans, like consumption taxes 
and tariffs.

During the early 1900s, populist and progressive reformers embraced the idea of a progressive income tax as one of 
the most important reforms that would create a just society. In 1913, the government finally established a federal 
income tax with the ratification of the 16th Amendment. The tax only impacted about 1 percent of the nation, but it 
was still a major victory for progressive forces. The estate tax, established in 1916, was also meant to recast the 
tax burden toward the well-off.

During World War II, President Roosevelt and the Democrats vastly expanded the tax by increasing the number of people 
subject to the system and instituting the policy of withholding to make collection speedier and more efficient. There 
were other moves in the 20th century to make federal taxes more progressive. During World War I, Congress enacted an 
excess-profits tax that put into place a graduated tax on profits made by businesses above the “normal” rate of 
return. During the Great Depression, Roosevelt responded to Senator Huey Long’s “Share Our Wealth” campaign—which 
criticized him for still relying too heavily on regressive consumption taxes—by calling on Congress to tax wealth at 
higher rates to curb “entrenched greed.” During his address introducing the plan, Roosevelt proclaimed that “great 
accumulations of wealth cannot be justified on the basis of personal and family security” in a speech that left one 
corporate lawyer “frothing at the mouth.” Congress passed a “wealth tax” through the Revenue Act of 1935 that 
affected the highest incomes and estates. In 1936, Congress passed an undistributed corporate-profits tax.

Under Roosevelt, the Justice Department also cracked down on tax evasion, including a high-profile (though 
unsuccessful) effort to prosecute former Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon for failing to pay $3 million in taxes. “I 
consider that Mr. Mellon is not on trial but Democracy and the privileged rich and I want to see who will win,” said 
Secretary of Treasury Henry Morgenthau, who was behind the effort. The tax historian Elliot Brownlee showed that New 
Deal tax measures raised the effective rate on the top 1 percent of Americans to 15.7 percent in 1937 from 6.8 
percent in 1932. To finance World War II, Roosevelt initially pushed for a pretty radical tax agenda that would fall 
hardest on the wealthiest. But by then, the backlash from the business community had set in, and much of FDR’s 
boldest initiatives fell to defeat. He settled for another excess profits tax that didn’t accomplish his initial 
ambitions.

But progressive tax reform enjoyed a second life in the 1960s when Democrats focused their energy on the fight to 
close the loopholes that allowed wealthier Americans and business interests to escape their obligations. 
Loophole-closing reform became a regular demand in Democratic platforms. One of the gurus behind progressive tax 
reform in the 1960s was a man named Stanley Surrey, an unassuming Harvard-educated lawyer who worked high up in the 
Department of Treasury under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Surrey popularized the idea of “tax expenditures” to 
show just how significant the impact was of these provisions that were normally hidden from public view. According to 
Surrey, the federal government was actually spending money through the tax code by offering assistance to industries 
and encouraging private capital investment.

[snip]

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