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The Observer view on the crisis in Europe


From: "Dave Farber" <farber () gmail com>
Date: Sun, 22 Oct 2017 06:09:09 -0400




Begin forwarded message:

From: Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com>
Date: October 22, 2017 at 4:36:47 AM EDT
To: Multiple recipients of Dewayne-Net <dewayne-net () warpspeed com>
Subject: [Dewayne-Net] The Observer view on the crisis in Europe
Reply-To: dewayne-net () warpspeed com

The Observer view on the crisis in Europe
Beyond Brexit, from Catalonia to the Czech Republic, the European dream is under threat
By Observer editorial
Oct 21 2017
<https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/oct/21/observer-view-catalonia-crisis-spain-europe-right-wing-elections-britain-role>

The unprecedented measures initiated on Saturday by Spain’s government, aimed at thwarting Catalonia’s secession, are 
but the latest expression of a developing, Europe-wide crisis of identity and political legitimacy. Mariano Rajoy, 
the prime minister, was reluctant to resort to direct rule from Madrid, but faced by the stubborn and, in his view, 
illegal defiance of the Catalan leadership, he clearly felt he had no choice. Rajoy’s intervention could defuse the 
situation or, by triggering a formal declaration of independence, render it even more unstable.

The drive for a separate Catalan state has causes specific to that region’s history and culture. But it has also been 
fuelled by the perceived failures of national political leadership. Inconclusive elections in 2015 and 2016 shattered 
the traditional dominance of the mainstream centre-left and centre-right parties. Rajoy’s conservative Popular party 
has been damaged by corruption scandals. The Socialists registered their worst ever performance last year amid record 
low turnout. Yet would-be mould-breakers such as Podemos failed to achieve a breakthrough.

This rejection of politics as usual, and the consequent fragmentation of the body politic, finds powerful echoes 
across Europe. Everywhere, or so it seems, newly minted or reviving political forces, sometimes benign, more 
frequently not, are attempting to fill the vacuum. This weekend’s elections in the Czech Republic are a case in 
point. Polls suggest the ruling, pro-EU Social Democrats face defeat by the upstart populist, Eurosceptic, 
anti-immigrant Action of Dissatisfied Citizens led by a pro-Russia billionaire. In prospect is a coalition with the 
rightwing Freedom and Direct Democracy party, which wants to quit the EU.

Events in Prague recall in turn last week’s Austrian elections, which brought victoryfor the youthful conservative 
People’s party leader, Sebastian Kurz, whose cynical tactic was to ape the extremist, xenophobic outlook of the 
far-right Freedom party. Kurz now looks set to form a governing alliance with a party whose neo-Nazi origins and 
ideology led the EU to boycott Austria in 2000, when the Freedom party first entered government. It is a measure of 
how Europe has become more accepting of, or resigned to, far-right activism that no repeat boycott is mooted in 
Brussels. More than half the Austrian electorate backed parties fiercely opposed to immigration, integration and 
multiculturalism. Muslim and Jewish citizens are understandably alarmed.

Now switch focus to northern Italy and, again, anger over political failings at the centre can be seen combining, 
negatively and corrosively, with fears about personal and regional identity. This weekend’s referendums on increased 
autonomy for Lombardy and the Veneto have at their heart distrust of the Rome government and resentment (and there 
are echoes of Catalonia here) at the way the poorer south is supposedly subsidised by wealthy, industrialised Milan. 
But in its tribalism, micro-nationalism and sociocultural exclusivity, the biggest regional party, the Northern 
League, nurtures many of the unsavoury prejudices displayed by similar groups across the continent.

[snip]

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