the actual text of Bush Senior -- read it and make your own spin

[Dave Farber <dave () farber net>]

2003 Issam M. Fares Lecture
Former President George H.W. Bush
February 26, 2003



Thank you President Bacow for those very kind words of introduction. To say
I'm pleased to be back here is a unique understatement. I am a little
annoyed about one thing. If one more of you guys come up to me and say,
"Where's Barbara?" I used to be President of the United States of America,
you know what I mean? And now I'm either the father of the President, or
Barbara's husband. So, thank you for that warm introduction, and all of you
for that warm reception. Leila, you should be giving this speech with your
fairness, your objectivity, your professionalism. And thank you for
welcoming me back to your campus.

And as for my friend, Issam Fares, I told a bunch of kids that I was
privileged to meet with earlier, students of this wonderful school, that at
this stage in my life, 78 going on 79, looking forward to my final parachute
jump on June 12th, 2004, which is my 80th birthday-- at this stage of my
exciting life, I've concluded that these policy matters are very important.
But, the thing that really matters to me now, and to Barbara too, is
friendship and family. And with Issam here, I should be more respectful,
Deputy Prime Minister of our great friend Lebanon, but with Issam Fares here
I feel blessed by being with a very good, close friend. And Issam, thank you
for your role in all of this. [applause] And I'm glad to see some of the
students here. The moral of that story is they will go to any excuse to
avoid going to class, and come listen to me. Not very good judgement, but
you're not in class. Look at it that way.

Now, I was very pleased really to receive and accept this invitation. I have
great respect for the Fares Center, located at this great institution of
higher learning. And being here today provides yet another reminder of how
time does fly by. For it's been noted it was nine years ago that I was last
invited to come here and deliver this Fares lecture. Maybe it's because
you're getting older, but time seems to go much faster now. Some of you old
guys out there, and I spot one or two who are in my generation--not you,
sir, but some others over here. Maybe you know what I'm talking about. Time
goes flying by.

Today, of course, the original concept that led to the creation of the Fares
Lecture has expanded now almost to also encompass a wonderful center
complete with its own faculty, curriculum, broad range of academic programs.
And I share the great hopes that you have, for what you hope to accomplish
at the Fares Center. And I want to salute Issam again, and all in the Tufts
community, many of the leaders of whom are represented here today, for your
collective efforts to make this vibrant center an effective reality.

I have a certain appreciation for that, for what you've been going through
to get a meaningful center like this rolling. We went through a similar
exercise down in Texas with my library which is located at Texas A&M
University, where we created the Bush School of Government and Public
Service. I'm not here to recruit. But, if any of you guys want to go to
Texas for a good Masters Program in either public service or international
affairs, think about us. We're a few steps behind the Fares Center, but
we're good. And you'd be welcome, I'll tell you.

Launching a forward-looking enterprise like this one takes a lot of hard
work. There are a lot of people who share a commitment to certain ideals.
But, my experience at Texas A&M has taught me, and returning here to Tufts
reinforces this: a few things in life are more meaningful. I've been blessed
in life by doing many different things. And this concept of teaching a
handful of young kids that public service is a noble calling ­ in spite of
all the flack out there from the press and controversy that swirls around, I
love the challenge, and I love seeing these kids understand that serving
others is what a lot of life ought to be about.

In our case we started our school to help inculcate into future generations
the idea that, despite the controversy that sometimes erupts, public service
remains a noble calling. And that good people of all political persuasions
can and should get involved in the process. And Mr. President, I was
impressed by your remarks, your assessment of the Fares Center, and of what
Tufts is trying to do in this regard. It's outstanding.

At the heart of our school is the idea that society is best served when
informed citizens participate in the debate to help tackle the big issues of
their time. And only through fair and open competition in the marketplace of
ideas can true, lasting, enlightened progress be established and then
harnessed to spread the hope of peace with prosperity. I know this Center is
similarly founded upon high-minded ideals that are first celebrating the
rich heritage of the Eastern Mediterranean cultures. And second, addressing
the many complex and compelling challenges that a region's people face so
that they too can realize the unlimited promise of this new era.

On both fronts, I believe this Center is uniquely positioned to make a truly
positive and long-lasting contribution. And, I believe, institutions like
this can serve and increasingly must serve, a constructive role in
strengthening the general awareness of this oft misunderstood part of the
world of the Middle East.

As the group most directly involved in fostering this informed dialogue and
debate, I particularly want to salute the faculty here for their pivotal
leadership. Now, many people don¹t know this, but I spent a year back in the
late 70's teaching. I was an adjunct professor at Rice University in
Houston, my hometown. And I asked what that means, "adjunct." She said,
"That means you don't get paid." So, some thought I was over-compensated
anyway. But, I loved my brief time in the world of academia. And I have
great respect for the men and women who teach, who maybe could make a ton of
money somewhere else, but are teaching because they believe in inculcating
values and history into a handful of young people.

Teaching, as I've discovered, has its own reward. My friend, the late Steve
Ambrose who passed away last fall, said he loved being a professor and
historian because it gave him a chance to contribute in a positive way to
the world's knowledge. And in the same light, the faculty here at the Fares
Center, and in the broader Tufts family, has a tremendously important role
to play: contributing in a positive way to the lives of the young men and
women who are drawn to this campus in pursuit of academic achievement and
intellectual enlightenment.

And together with a dedicated team of administrators and the steadfast
family of supporters, you are indeed lighting the path to understanding in a
positive way at a critical time in our country's history. I was invited to
come here this afternoon to share a few perspectives on the Middle East. And
as this audience knows better than most, it's a familiar exercise for
speakers at lectures like this to suggest that there's never been a more
timely occasion to discuss the subject they were addressing. So, what I'll
do here is say some remarks, and then be glad to field some questions.

Notice that I said "field." I didn't say "answer." You know, when you're
President, you go to these press conferences you see all the time. And a guy
like my friend, and he is a friend, he's helping us on our fight against
cancer, Sam Donaldson gets up, "Mr. President, you can't leave here until
you give me an answer on this." Back then you had to say, "Well thank you,
Sam, very much. I'd like to try to help you with that one." The day that the
Berlin Wall came down, I see my friend John Sununu here, a famous female
reporter was standing next to my desk, and she said, "Mr. President, why
don't you go to the Berlin Wall and dance with the young kids. Families are
being reunited as we speak. Why can't you do that like Senator Mitchell and
Gephart suggest?" The stupidest idea I ever heard was for me to stick my
fingers in Gorbachev's eyes when things were going very smoothly towards a
unified Germany. But, instead of telling her that, I said, "Well, thank you
very much. Let me try to explain it." Now, if I don't like your questions,
heck with you, I'm not going to answer them, I'll go to the next one,
because I'm a free spirit. [applause]

Today we are beginning to see some difficult and defining days in the Middle
East. But at the outset let me say that despite a seemingly unending cycle
of bloodshed that has claimed too many innocent victims, despite the
heartbreaking suffering that we see on all sides, despite a bigger rancher
that continues to plague the region, I believe that in the longer run ­ not
the excessively long ­ but in the longer run, the 21st century will offer
leaders throughout the Eastern Mediterranean a real chance to emerge from
their current period of conflict to begin building a brighter future worthy
of their proud peoples.

And I know such optimistic sentiments are not now widely in fashion, and
understandably so. For me to suggest as much today might even sound on the
naïve side. But, you have to remember, that in my case you're looking at
someone who was right there when that, what was previously thought
impossible before, namely the regional quest for peace took hold in the
region. And it seems like an eternity ago. And yet it's been a dozen years
since we convened the Madrid Peace Conference in Spain, together with
Mikhail Gorbachev and the Soviet Union enthusiastic about this.

As long as I live, I will never forget walking into that peace conference at
Madrid that followed the Desert Storm with Gorbachev at my side and see a
room full of Arabs and Israeli's sitting across from each other beginning to
talk about peace. It made a profound impression on me. And, I believe, it
can happen again. As long as I live I can't get it out of my mind because it
was so very emotional.

Incidentally, the Madrid conference would never have happened if the
international coalition that fought together in Desert Storm had acceded the
U.N. mandate and gone on on its own if the United States had gone on on its
own, had gone into Baghdad after Saddam and his forces had surrendered and
agreed to disarm. The coalition would have instantly shattered. And the
political capital that we had gained as a result of our principle restraint
to jumpstart the peace process would have been lost. We would have lost all
support from our coalition, with the possible exception of England. And we
would have lost all support from the smaller nations in the United Nations
as well.

And out of that momentum that we achieved at Madrid, we later saw that
historic handshake on the south lawn of the White House between Rabin and
Arafat, and the Oslo Accords that followed. And we saw King Hussein of
Jordan, my late, dear friend, join the steady march on the path to peace.

You know, there was an interesting case, King Hussein of Jordan was a friend
of the United States for many years, and cooperated with us on many regional
problems. And his judgement was very, very good. But, during Desert Storm
he, along with Yemen and Arafat of the PLO, got into Saddam Hussein's orbit.
But, the minute the war ended ­ and this is what I'm hopeful about in the
future ­ I was determined, and I think King Hussein was determined, that we
would get the relationship between Jordan and the United States back on
track. And to his everlasting credit, he went more than his fair share of
the way, and we did get it back on track. And, I think, it was a good thing;
I think there's a message in that for those who today say, "How can we ever
put things together? How can we ever get talking when you have such acrimony
and such bad feeling? It can be done. You've got to reach out to the other
person. You've got to convince them that long-term friendship should trump
short-term adversity. And that, I salute King Hussein who understood that
very well. And incidentally, the day he died he saw very clearly the threat
from Saddam Hussein that worries us all today.

I'm sure some of you may feel the same way. But, today's problems in view
cry out for more statesman like King Hussein. And also Yitzhak Rabin of
Israel, I knew him and worked with him. And he was willing to reach out for
peace. And he was a wonderful man. Gunned down in a horrible way in his own
country. These are bold and courageous leaders, enough to stand down the
extremists, and commit themselves and people to dialogue.

My point in noting this well known chain of events is that if only for a
time I have seen hope surmount hate in the Middle East itself. And I've seen
a forward-looking vision, and a collective courage gain momentum, and break
the truly tragic cycle of bloodshed. Most importantly, I've seen the people
of the Middle East lift their own eyes to the horizon, and make a clear
choice for peace, realizing that they have more to gain by choosing hope
over hate, and seeking a common future forged by dialogue and direct
negotiation.

And today, of course, the peace process that emerged as a direct result of
Desert Storm, where an unprecedented international coalition, numerous Arab
partners, joined together to defend Kuwaiti sovereignty and preserve the
rule of international law.

[Several students stand up and demonstrate opposition to a possible war with
Iraq]

We've now found a real good reason to use duct tape. [applause] Hey, this is
calm. Barbara would kill me, but I'm going to tell you a story while they're
being gracefully exited. You think this is something. You ought to have gone
in with me when I was President, to San Francisco. We rode in ­ I picture
the place well. The Secret Service police keep the people back. And this one
demonstrator was standing there, the worst looking woman I've ever seen in
my life. And she had a big sign. She came running up to the side of the car
saying, "Stay out of my womb." No problem, lady. This is all right, this is
okay. And they feel strongly. Let me say this: I do understand, I do
understand where they're coming from. And I have no great concern about
that. But, I hope they'll listen and see where I'm coming from. [applause]

To put the Middle East back on the path to peace in my view is to require
the parties there once again to choose the hard route, take the road less
traveled. It's going to require a new vision to be advanced by the region's
leaders, and embraced by the people. It will require that they have the
courage once again to rise above violence and recrimination and to choose
hope over hate. And it's going to require Israeli's and Palestinians to sit
down and talk to each other. It's not going to be solved if those talks
somehow can't be renewed, and somehow can't be moved forward.

But, before that can happen, I believe there are several dangerous
misperceptions in the Middle East that must be resolved before the parties
can find their way back to the path of peace. And I furthermore believe
there are a number of false stereotypes that must be discarded so Arabs and
Americans can rise above current suspicions and rebuild the harmonious and
respectful relations that mark out earlier history.

For example, in certain quarters here in the United States, there's a
certain ugly stereotyping concerning Saudi Arabia that emerged, maybe for
understandable reasons, but emerged after 9/11. This stereotyping offends
me, and concerns me. And our President has spoken out against it several
times. It suggests that because most of the hijackers were Saudi citizens,
the Saudi government and the Saudi people were also anti-American. And in my
view, nothing can be further from the truth. We have different systems. But,
with the exception of a small fringe element that frankly exist in every
society-- Remember, Timothy McVeigh, a lot of people were going, "Oh, he's
probably an Arab terrorist." Jumping to stereotypical conclusions only to
find that he was a right wing nut. And the Saudi's are our staunch allies
and friends, and I don't like it when some of the great newspapers in this
country try to make enemies out of Saudi Arabia, or any other country out
there, except for one that I'm going to get to.

If I might add, together with the Palestinian statehood initiative announced
last June by the President, when our President called for statehood for the
Palestinians, I believe the plan introduced by Crown Prince Abdullah of
Saudi Arabia last year to advance the peace process does offer real hope for
ending the bloodshed in the Middle East. And so I reject this ignorant
stereotype that was adopted in some media outlets and elsewhere that all
Saudis are our enemies. It's as wrong as it can be. Just as it is wrong for
anyone to try and cast a cloud of suspicion over all individuals of Arab
decent, be they Christians or followers of the Muslim faith.

Right after 9/11 I was deeply touched, and still am, by the comments of a
little Arab American girl, an American citizen in the United States. She
asked this question, "Does this mean they're going to knock down my school?"
She said something that really penetrated. And so my message for Americans
is that we've got to remain tolerant, we've got to continue striving to be a
kinder and gentler nation in this regard, choosing hope over hate. And I
honestly believe we will.

I believe that with institutions like yours, Leila, offering positive
leadership to foster a constructive dialogue between Arabs and Americans, we
will indeed continue working to resist these false stereotypes and overcome
these distorted perceptions. But, if this is my message and belief when it
comes to the American people that we must cast aside misinformed theories
and build new levels of understanding, I would also say the same thing to
any family, any parent, indeed any child in the Mideast today. My message to
them too is to choose hope over hate, and reject the false stereotypes and
distorted perceptions about the Untied States of America.

My bishop, man of peace, says that everywhere he goes he feels he has to
apologize for the United States. I don't feel that way at all. We should be
proud of what we've done to help people. We ought to continue to try to
help, and to bring peace to a troubled world. So, I don't go around
apologizing for the United States. And when I go abroad, I don't find that
people loathe us like this good man said. The United States wants to see all
the people of the Eastern Mediterranean and indeed throughout the Arab world
live in peace and security. We want them to have the freedom to determine
their own destiny. And most of all, we want to see every child in that
region grow up with a chance to succeed in a world full of opportunity and
wonder. 

And yet many people through the Middle East and beyond aren't so sure that
the United States has their best interest in mind. And perhaps the most
obvious example today of a distorted perception of our country relates to
the debate over disarming Iraq. Many assert that whether or not there is a
war hinges on oil. This simply is not true. Those signs are not expressing
the truth. "No oil for war." It said the same back in Kuwait in 1990 and
1991, the same signs. And today the only thing that happened for oil in
Kuwait was that Saddam Hussein left the country and tried to burn up all the
oil fields. And they were restored, and Kuwait still controls its fields.
And they can make the leases to whomever they want.

Signs read, "No war for oil," but I'm sorry, I just feel that they're based
on a certain ignorance, if you want to know the truth. It was about
liberating a sovereign nation back then. And it wasn't being about the
United States trying to get control of Middle East oil. Today the world is
once again joined together to tell Saddam that he has crossed another line,
one that in many respects is deadly. Just in November, in fact, the 15
members of the United Nations Security Council, including Syria I should
note, voted unanimously to demand that Iraq do now what Iraq should have
done 12 years ago ­ stop trying to develop weapons of mass destruction that
could be used against people in their region. And instead use that money
that they have, that comes from oil, and to use all of intelligence
capability, the Iraqi people, their skills, their experience, to make
products for peace, not weapons for war. [applause]

I hope that these demonstrators, who are speaking from their heart, take a
hard look at it, and just see how illogical it is that the United States
would want to go to war in Iraq or Kuwait to get the oil. We have access to
oil all over the Middle East. And that's not going to change, and we're not
going to seek hegemony in any one of those countries. It's about making
Saddam Hussein give up his insane quest for weapons of mass destruction,
weapons he's used against Iran, and even his own people before something
happens to make September 11th look mild by comparison.

The United States is not looking for an opportunity to hurt the Iraqi
people. Our goal there is not regional hegemony as some suggest. It is
compliance with a wide array of the United Nations resolutions. It is for
Iraq to get rid of weapons of mass destruction. And like every last
protestor we've seen, the President shares the hope that this disarmament
can be accomplished peacefully.

You know, people say, "What's it like to have your son criticized?" Well,
you're looking at one that came in for his fair share, and probably
deservedly so on some things, and maybe just emotionally so on others. But,
it hurts a lot more when it's your son. It hurts a lot more when they're
criticizing, especially when some of the criticism is just meaningless in
terms of having any intellectual base to it. I know there's a false
stereotype out there that our President wants to go it alone, rush into war.
That is totally false. I know there are many here on this campus, and many
in the United States, many in my state, many more over in Europe and
throughout the Arab world who oppose war on any terms. And it is a
sentiment, as I said earlier, that I can understand.

I would ask them hypothetically, "Were we wrong back in 1942 ­ Had we gone
into World War II earlier to save a million Jews, and to save one million
Poles, would that have been wrong to use force?" I don't know how the
protestors say, "No war on any circumstance," would answer a question like
that. But, I think, there is such a concept as a just war.

Like many others who served in the military, I've seen it firsthand, and I
saw it as a young man. And I don't think any veteran, and certainly any
President could want to go to war. Abraham Lincoln often referred to "being
driven to his knees by the weight of the decision to send young men into
harm's way." And even though it was a lesser scale than a country totally
divided where brother was fighting brother in the north and the south in
Lincoln's days, I know exactly how he felt. And so does the 43rd President
of the United States. Devoted to his faith, he shares the innately human
desire to avoid a conflict where innocent people might lose their lives. And
having said that, I do not have any special insights to offer on what may or
may not happen from here. We only have one President at a time. And last
month marked my ten years since I left office.

And I now I stay out of the President's way and try not to complicate his
life. I have an appreciation for the big job he has to do. And so I don't go
around giving advice to the 43rd President of the United States. All bets
are off when it comes to Barbara. As the President put it, I give him advice
when he asks for it, and Barbara gives it even when he doesn't ask for it.

In summary, though, look I can say without fear of meddling, that the United
States needs to continue to make clear our respect to Islam, indeed all
religions. We cannot let Saddam Hussein's later calls, Johnny come lately
calls that this is just Muslims versus the United States or Arabs versus the
United States; it is not that. We've got a strong friendship for the vast
majority of the diverse peoples in the Arab world. So, we've got to continue
our honor bound duty to defeat those small bands of extremists who seek to
harm our nation. And we furthermore need to make clear our respect for the
extraordinary cultures that come together in the Eastern Mediterranean to
make it, not unlike our country, a unique and vibrant melting pot.

We need to remind ourselves of the century old ties of cultural and economic
exchanges between the west and the Middle East, such as the contribution of
the Muslim Arab, Muslim Persian, other side as philosophers, mathematicians
to the translations of the great classics, into our common civilization
across the world. We've got to remember that many in the Arab world are
Christians. We've got to show respect there too.

We need to make clear that with the new world order we still have a chance
to build is not some code for American imperialism, but rather a system in
which freedom and self determination are the widely accepted norms. And
finally, we need to make clear that we share the dream that the Eastern
Mediterranean for long the crossroads of dynamic culture and history can
once again be a beacon of progress and prosperity.

My friend Issam has heard me say this before. But, before I die, I want to
see a Lebanon and its people ­ see a Lebanon united, living at peace, the
crossroads of culture and intermixing of various religions, where everybody
is living peacefully, and individual decisions are allowed to follow their
businesses, or do whatever it is, go to their villages, worship the past and
hope for the future. I think that can happen in Lebanon. And I want to see
Lebanon return to her former glory as a peaceful land where business and
culture prospers, and where people can visit without fear. And when
outsiders don't try to put undo influence on this great country of which he
is the very high official. [applause]

I am optimistic that we can do all of this. And so much more if we have the
courage to choose hope over hate. The 20th century was the bloodiest of
mankind's history. And as we stand here at the outset of the 21st century,
we must resolve that we will learn from our history and not repeat the
costly mistakes. Too many lives, too many dreams are at stake. And in the
post-Cold War world, we face a new series of international challenges in
bridging the divide between east and west. Strengthen our relations in that
critical region will be one of the most vital things we do.

I know we have differences with European countries, and they've got
differences with us, some of them. There's a vast array and coalition with
supporting the United States, and supporting the President now, but there's
a couple quite obvious exceptions to that. But, I worked on those
relationships, and I feel confident that when all this calms down, when Iraq
lives within the international law, you will see the United States back
together as allies and friends with both Germany and France.

And again, one of the reasons I have high hopes for this Fares Center is
that I believe you all can play a highly meaningful role in lighting the
path to understanding, and contributing to the world's knowledge in a very
positive way. I believe it can help cast aside false stereotypes and
misinformation on both sides, and ensure that our relations are grounded in
truth and rekindle the longstanding friendship and warm ties between our
peoples. We've got to keep the pressure on.

It is amazing to me that just yesterday Saddam Hussein comes across with a
weapon that was illegal for a long, long time. That the pressure brought him
forth. And the more united that pressure is, the more chance there is that
this matter will be resolved in a peaceful manner. And I hope that our
allies abroad, and I hope our friends around the world understand that. And
it is that we do not seek hegemony. What we seek, after the horror of 9/11,
is that we want to protect our country, and other countries, as best we can
against this man, Saddam Hussein, having nuclear weapons or weapons of mass
destruction. It is just that simple.

In short, I believe this kind of work to educate, in which so many of you
here play an important role, will continue to inspire us all to choose hope
over hate. I know this is a non-political event. But, in November of 1998,
Barbara and I were sitting in a little restaurant in Houston waiting for the
exit polls to come in, because we had two sons up for election. One for the
second biggest state in the nation, one for the fourth biggest, on that same
day. And the President rather confidently told me, "Dad, I'm going to win by
70% of the vote." He won by 69.8, so we didn't worry too much about the
Texas reelection. But, we worried about Florida.

We got the exit polls. We flew, rented a plane, splurged, flew over to Miami
and embraced our son who won a nice victory over a good man. And we were
flying home, and I could see the lights of New Orleans off to the side, and
the lights of Houston, Texas up ahead. And I said, "Barbara, this is the
happiest day of my entire life." She said, "What about the day we were
married?" I said, "That was very nice too." But, there have been a lot of
happy days for us. Believe it or not, this is one, seeing old friends, being
received cordially here. And there are other many happy things that have
happened to us. And I don't know how I could single out one event, because
we're just as proud of our three kids that aren't in public life as we are
of the two that are heavily engaged at very high levels in governments.

But, I can tell you this, the fact they're willing to serve, the ones in
public life are willing to serve, is enormously rewarding to their parents.
And I can tell you that the more you can inculcate into yourselves, or the
school can help inculcate into you through this wonderful faculty is concept
that there could be no definition of a successful life that does not include
service to others. The more that happens, the better chance we have for a
robust economy and a wonderful peace in the years ahead. Thank you all very,
very much. [applause]

Additional Coverage:
[ President Bacow's Remarks ]
[ Issam M. Fares' Remarks ]
[ Leila Fawaz's Remarks ]
[ Q & A with Former President Bush ]



This page printed from: http://enews.tufts.edu/stories/030303BushSpeech.htm

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