Interesting People mailing list archives

IP: Asset forfeitures - piracy (fwd)


From: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
Date: Sat, 24 Jul 1999 10:50:14 -0400



Date: Fri, 23 Jul 1999 14:22:16 +0300 (EEST)
From: Zombie Cow <waste () zor hut fi>
To: cypherpunks () toad com


---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 23 Jul 1999 00:27:07 -0600
From: JIM MEISINGER <mejim () oneimage com>
To: Janet Lee <mejim () oneimage com>
Subject: Asset forfeitures - piracy

Are asset forfeitures penalty -- or piracy?
By Frank J. Murray
THE WASHINGTON TIMES

[Editors Note: This is a law that should be repealed immediately!]


Cops and prosecutors call it punishing the crooks when and where
they'll feel it most.

Lots of other people, honest and law-abiding, call it police piracy.

What they're talking about is assets forfeiture, and the practice has
left so many horror stories in its wake that dedicated anti-crime
lawmakers, Democrats and Republicans, liberals and
conservatives, are joining a growing movement to clean up the
official abuses.

Most forfeitures -- by which the government seizes property that
officers merely suspect was used in a crime or bought with the loot
--never reach the point of criminal charges. Up to 80 percent never
go to court.

Seized properties range from a doctor's savings to a private prison
in Louisiana with all 400 inmates, a Houston hotel, a 4,346-acre
Florida ranch, a church's Spanish-language radio station and
Hollywood Madam Heidi Fleiss' $550,000 Beverly Hills mansion.

Rep. Henry J. Hyde of Illinois, chairman of the House Judiciary
Committee, a Republican and a conservative, cited these and other
abuses in his testimony to a Senate Judiciary subcommittee on
criminal justice and oversight in behalf of modifying a 1974 law.

Mr. Hyde told the senators it's difficult for him to accept that a law
that permits and in fact encourages violations of the rights of
innocent citizens could go unchallenged. He entreated the senators
to accept the tough reform legislation he steered to overwhelming
bipartisan acceptance in the House last month.

The attentive subcommittee members agreed with Mr. Hyde's
contention the law needs reforming. But they seemed to agree with
Deputy Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. and other witnesses
who testified yesterday that Mr. Hyde's reforms would cripple the
cops.

The law was designed as a weapon in the war on drugs to collect
fancy cars, yachts, airplanes, houses and huge caches of cash. An
owner trying to get back property must prove his innocence
instead of the government proving guilt, which to many Americans
seems to turn the constitutional guarantee of due process on its
head. Fewer than 2,500 of the 30,000 property seizures each year
are even challenged in court.

When the more common civil seizures are challenged, courts
routinely acknowledge that constitutional "due process" clauses
forbid inordinate delay and demand advance notice and a hearing,
except when immediate or "exigent" circumstances apply. This
usually means taking on faith the word of the prosecutors.

A few such seizures have been overturned on "due process"
grounds, but, more commonly, appeals courts accept a
government claim of emergency or rule prosecutors' omissions
aren't serious enough to require returning seized property.

On other constitutional grounds federal courts have ruled:

Forfeiture is not "double jeopardy" because it is not

"punishment." The Supreme Court said in a different

case, however, that seizures of property out of

proportion to the offense violate Eighth Amendment

guarantees against "excessive fines [or] punishment."

The Sixth Amendment right to counsel does not bar

seizure of an attorney fee.

The Fifth Amendment right to compensation for

"takings" doesn't require paying interest when property

wrongfully seized is returned after a long court fight.

A search and seizure that violates the Fourth

Amendment on criminal matters doesn't negate civil

seizure of criminal profits.

The Hyde legislation, passed overwhelmingly by the House, would
drastically shift the balance by requiring return of property without
the victim's having to post a bond, appoint lawyers for those who
can't pay and place the burden of proof on the government.

The Justice Department concedes it should accept the burden of
proof if the law is rewritten, but the department doesn't want the
law touched because it will make the job of Justice Department
lawyers more difficult.

Critics of the present system say it is rife with conflicts of interest,

including millions of dollars in rewards for tipsters, and gives local
and federal officials a motive to split property among themselves.

The value of 24,903 seized assets now held by the federal
government exceeds $1 billion, including $349 million in cash.
State and local seizures often wind up in federal hands to be
divvied up with local officials.

The Kafka-like stories that impressed the House came from such
unlikely people as Nashville gardener Willie Jones, a Malibu
millionaire named Donald Scott, and Detroit housewife Tina
Bennis:

Mrs. Bennis lost title to her 1977 Pontiac, a $300

clunker, seized in Detroit when her husband patronized a

prostitute on his way home from work. Michigan law

that condemns the location of such offenses as "public

nuisances" was upheld by the Supreme Court.

Mr. Scott was mistakenly shot to death in his California

home by 30 state and federal agents during a futile

search for marijuana plants in a raid that investigators

later concluded was motivated by the goal of

confiscating his ranch.

Mr. Jones, 50, who has become the leading poster child

for the anti-forfeiture cause, lost $9,600 to police at the

Nashville airport after he paid cash for a round-trip

ticket to Houston and found himself "profiled." He

testified he carried the suspicious cash because he could

make better deals for his landscaping business with cash

payments. Police dogs sniffed traces of cocaine on the

money. No surprise, says one police expert, because

traces of cocaine are on 97 percent of all U.S. currency.

Federal Judge Thomas Wiseman denounced the Jones episode as
"a forfeiture proceeding started in bad faith with wild allegations
based on the hope that something would turn up to justify the
suit." He ordered Mr. Jones' money returned.

Roger Pilon, vice president for legal affairs and chief opponent of
forfeiture at the libertarian Cato Institute, agrees. "You can't use
the thumbscrew and the rack, no matter how worthy your aims
are," he says. "Prosecutors have this simple-minded view that
you're either guilty or not guilty."

Rep. Asa Hutchinson, Arkansas Republican, a Hyde ally on
impeachment, is a former U.S. district attorney in Arkansas. He
has put away a lot of bad guys. He led the fight to make the Hyde
bill less restrictive of the behavior of cops and prosecutors, but Mr.
Hyde's side won by a vote of 375 to 48.

"I believe it tilts too far against law enforcement and takes away
one of their most valuable tools in fighting drug traffic," Mr.
Hutchinson says, professing anguish over opposing Mr. Hyde.

"This was such a gut issue for him it really made it difficult for
anyone to go against him. It made it difficult for me. But it's a gut
issue for me, too. I am for the reform, it's just you've got to have
balance. You don't want to hurt our legitimate crime-fighting
efforts in the process."

Mr. Hyde's co-sponsors are an unusual array of bedfellows: the
committee's ranking Democrat, Rep. John Conyers Jr. of
Michigan; Rep. Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts; and
Rep. Bob Barr of Georgia, a Republican and a former U.S.
attorney. On the other side are New York Mayor Rudolph W.
Giuliani, a Republican, for seizure of drunk drivers' cars, and San
Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, a Democrat, who backs taking the
cars of those arrested -- though not necessarily convicted -- for
soliciting drugs or prostitutes.

Many incidents cited by Mr. Hyde, including the Nashville
gardener's ordeal, are credited to a 10-month investigation by
Scripps Howard News Service. Since then, the Orlando Sentinel
won a Pulitzer Prize for exposing a Daytona Beach sheriff who
policed Interstate 95 so aggressively that Florida rewrote its
forfeiture law.

The Arkansas Democrat-Gazette found that authorities in Ouachita
County in southern Arkansas had offered drug runners freedom in
exchange for land, cash or fancy cars worth thousands of dollars.
In another Arkansas county, the sheriff distributed seized cars to
his deputies and their families. Similar scandals sent Arkansas
prosecutor Dan Harmon to jail for 11 years for extortion and set
off a federal investigation. Somerset County, N.J., prosecutor
Nicholas L. Bissell Jr. killed himself in 1997 after conviction of
corruption for spending $1.5 million in seized money.

The owners of a Red Carpet Motel in Houston pleaded with police
for months to deal aggressively with the drug traffic in and around
the motel. Federal authorities told the motel to raise its room rates
to discourage the activity, and when the motel owners declined,
the feds seized the motel.

In ordering the government to return to Sam and Frank Lombardo
$506,641 found hidden at their Congress Pizzeria in Chicago, the
7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals said, with judicial
understatement, "the government's conduct in forfeiture cases
leaves much to be desired." The three-judge panel said:
"Government may not seize money, even half a million dollars,
based on its bare assumption that most people do not have huge
sums of money lying about, and if they do, they must be involved
in narcotics trafficking or some other sinister activity."

Prosecutors and members of Congress agree that Mr. Hyde's long
campaign to rein in forfeiture programs was helped this year by
"increasing public clamor" over scandals involving seized assets
and deal-making with accused criminals who surrender property to
escape prosecution.

"It's wrong to deal away a prosecution in exchange for a
forfeiture," a Justice Department official says. Such scandals
undermine public opinion for a key prosecutorial weapon, a point
seconded by Rep. Ed Bryant, Tennessee Republican and a former
U.S. attorney who voted against Mr. Hyde's bill. "A lot of the bad
rap are cases that come from the state forfeiture laws," Mr. Bryant
says in an interview, citing federal prosecutors' objections to the
bill.

"We're all kind of torn between the property-rights issue, and the
other side of the coin, which is the law-enforcement need."

Drugs and airplanes mix so often that authorities often assume the
worst, as they did with Las Vegas charter pilot Billy Munnerlyn,
whose plane was confiscated when he landed at Ontario, Calif.,
with a paying passenger who boarded at Little Rock, Ark. The
passenger, one Albert Wright, turned out to be a convicted cocaine
dealer with $2.7 million in his carry-on luggage. DEA agents
seized the money, the men and the airplane.

No one ever was charged, and officials concluded that Mr.
Munnerlyn knew nothing about the contraband cash. Several years
later, the House Judiciary Committee noted, Mr. Munnerlyn is
bankrupt and working as a truck driver. Critics of forfeiture abuse
cite the Munnerlyn case as zealotry run amok, and note that
government lawyers have never seized a Delta Air Lines Boeing
747 or a United Air Lines Boeing 777, even though drug dealers
often use commercial airlines for their travel.

In Lancaster, Pa., the Rev. Roberto Figueroa saw his Spanish-
language broadcast station "Radio Vida" hauled away from a
Pentecostal church because the station's FM signal, limited by law
to 1,000 feet, was heard 20 miles away.

Such citations of abuse irritate police and prosecutors, who argue
that these are isolated cases and Congress and state legislatures are
being steamrollered to rescind a key weapon against the most
elusive criminals.

"I have never been so inundated . . . on any issue as much as in
opposition to [this bill] than by those in the law-enforcement
community," says Rep. John L. Mica, Florida Republican, who
chairs a subcommittee on criminal justice.

The Justice Department vigorously disputes the measure in a
written policy statement, saying the bill "fails to address the most
pressing needs of victims and law-enforcement."

Setting a tougher standard of proof for the government will "give
drug dealers more protection than bankers, doctors and defense
contractors," the government statement says.

Not so, says the Cato Institute's Mr. Pilon. "This [Hyde] bill will
not prevent law enforcement from pursuing those forfeitures that
are legitimate. What it will prevent is the forfeitures that should
never take place in the first place, especially those seizures of
property from innocent people simply because the property may or
may not have been 'involved' in a crime."




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