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The conservative revolution [ worth reading whether you agree or
From: David Farber <farber () central cis upenn edu>
Date: Wed, 4 Jan 1995 16:50:54 -0500
Date: Tue, 3 Jan 1995 17:36:08 -0800 From: Phil Agre <pagre () weber ucsd edu> -------------------------------------------------------------------- T H E N E T W O R K O B S E R V E R VOLUME 2, NUMBER 1 JANUARY 1995 -------------------------------------------------------------------- Selected -------------------------------------------------------------------- The conservative revolution. My liberal friends are virtually all in denial. They change the channel when Rush Limbaugh comes on, they cite low voter turnout figures as evidence against the electoral legitimacy of the new Republican Congress, they assert as obvious that Republicans and Democrats are the same by now anyway, they dismiss Newt Gingrich and the editorialists of the Wall Street Journal as nut-cases, they speculate that the 1980's provide grounds for predicting that the new conservative movement will self-destruct and fade, and they act as though they could rebut every last conservative argument before breakfast with one hand tied behind their backs. Dream on, my friends, because you are in serious trouble. Little analysis of the detailed electoral numbers is required to figure out that we're looking at the largest and deepest shift in US political institutions since the New Deal. But the strongest evidence goes beyond the numbers. The conservative movement has built an impressive array of institutions, a system of parallel structures with serious funding and a genuine mass base. This includes parallel media institutions (the Washington Times, talk radio and National Empowerment Television, all of them by-passing the mainstream news), parallel public interest organizations (the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ) competing head-to-head with the ACLU, as well as a batch of other conservative legal institutes employing the ACLU model but pressing property rights and anti-affirmative action agendas), parallel intellectual networks (based for the most part in privately funded think tanks like the Heritage Foundation and Manhattan Institute, but also in law schools and economics departments), and much else. One reason why liberals can maintain their denial is that they have chosen, by and large, to remain uninformed about these alternative institutions. Their world has remained stable for so long that they are unable to conceive that changing political conditions could simply throw a switch, channeling cultural and financial resources to the new institutions and leaving the old ones to wither and die. Money helps build such institutions, of course, but it's not just money. The last decade has seen the rise of an extremely well-organized network of activists who are much more thoroughly studied in conservative ideology than the Reaganites of ten and fifteen years ago. They support and recruit young Republican activists on college campuses, they get vast amounts of ideology distributed to people who can use it, and they sell large numbers of books by Friedrich von Hayek and Ludwig von Mises and a world of other conservative theorists to people who really do read and understand them. In particular, they have sophisticated ideas about the structure of the liberal coalition and its weaknesses, and they are exhibiting extraordinary precision and thoroughness in applying pressure along the fracture lines. One sign of the ongoing decimation of the liberal coalition is its nearly complete lack of rhetorical traction in rebutting conservative arguments. We can see this, for example, in the impunity with which conservative rhetors have appropriated words like "elites" (a term which no longer includes bankers but does include journalists), "bigotry" and "hate" (now used to signify opposition to the political program of religious conservatives), and "political correctness" (a term which formerly was rarely used in seriousness by anyone but sectarian Leninists but which now routinely conflates social dissent and political repression). We can also see it in the impunity with which these same rhetors employ extreme vocabulary in their anti-liberal polemics -- read any of P. J. O'Rourke's "enemies lists" in the American Spectator for the prototype, but the phenomenon is pervasive. Much will happen in the next couple of years. The Democratic Party will disintegrate. The corporate funding on which it came increasingly to rely as it alienated its mass base by increments since the late 1970's has now shifted radically toward the Republicans. (Most of the figures you'll see won't seem to prove this, since the radical shift only began toward the end of the 1994 campaign.) Corporate money only went to the Democrats in the first place because money buys access and the Democrats were the majority party. Now that that's no longer true, this money will seek its natural home and the inherent bias toward incumbents in the money-intensive political process will lock in with extra strength. Enough things are genuinely messed up in Washington that the new Republican majority can be heroes simply by cleaning up the worst of them, starting with Congressional rules. It'll take incredible discipline to institute term limits and pass a balanced budget amendment, but they'll do it. Once they start actually balancing the budget, though, they'll need to considerably deepen the revolution. If they're smart, which they are, then they'll take Bill Kristol's suggestion and hold "show trials" of failed government programs, presumably starting with the Departments of Energy, Transportation, and Housing and Urban Development. Eventually they'll empty out the Department of Education, since it's a creature of the Democrats' most central constituency, the National Education Association, but they don't need to do that immediately. What the liberal pollsters don't understand is that the conservative ideological network can back up Republican legislative initiatives with tremendous grassroots firepower through talk radio and other media -- the crime bill and failed attempts at lobbying reform in the previous Congress provide good examples. What seems politically impossible today won't seem so impossible once this machinery gets back in gear in a few months. This effect will be awesome in the 1996 election cycle, and Bill Clinton is more likely to be assassinated than he is to be reelected. The biggest question is whether the new conservative majority has enough discipline to prevent a return to the social conditions of the 1880's, when a laissez-faire legislative majority and legal system permitted the profound social chaos inherent in an unregulated market economy to express itself. Large business coalitions are already forming to eviscerate the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Food and Drug Administration, which regulate perhaps the two most morally hazardous industries. Increasingly frequent proposals to means-test Social Security benefits will turn Social Security into a form of welfare and thus great increase its political vulnerability. Once people like Richard Posner and Richard Epstein are appointed to the Supreme Court, if not before, look for New Zealand-style changes in labor law and the end of affirmative action. It's a leftist's dream, in an unfortunate and twisted way, but it will take place against the background of a thoroughgoing conservative hegemony that will make leftist arguments nearly unintelligible. What does this have to do with networks? All along, I've pointed at something important -- the infrastructure of the conservative political movement. This includes technical infrastructure -- radio, Newt Gingrich's videos and conference calls, direct mail and the databases that back it up, and so forth. It includes institutional infrastructure -- activist training by groups like Gopac, networking groups like the Council for National Policy, the Free Press, and the whole world of institutions based in conservative evangelical churches. It also includes what we might call rhetorical infrastructure -- the discursive forms of public relations that provide standard frames and logics for the ceaseless circulation and reassembly of bits of fact and argument and narrative by conservative pundits and activists. And it includes what we might call ideological infrastructure -- the basic framework of abstract ideas that get filled in with this rhetorical material in particular settings. No one or two of these basic types of infastructure suffices to characterize or explain the material workings of the conservative movement. In particular, technology is an indissociable part of the whole picture, but it is just one part. In another TNO article I want to sketch a framework for thinking about the communicative metabolism of social movements in general, but for the moment I simply want to remark on the specific uses being made of communication technology by this one particular movement. As I keep saying, the technologies do not in themselves determine how they will be used, but their specific workings do matter for the workings of the larger social machinery -- the institutional, rhetorical, and ideological machinery with which it articulates in daily practice. Will the conservative movement change its character as (or, I suppose we should say, if) access to computer networking becomes more widespread? We cannot be certain. We can be certain, though, that computer networks will not themselves change any existing movements or create any new ones. Rather than wait for that to happen, let us become aware of the specific ways in which different kinds of social movements take hold of particular technologes, and let us keep on imagining the other ways in which the technologies might be used.
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