CWD PACs-LAND

[David J. Farber <A5103643626 () attpls net>]

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Date: 8 Nov 94 12:41:03 UT
Sender: brock () well sf ca us (Brock N. Meeks)
From: brock () well sf ca us (Brock N. Meeks)
Subject: CWD PACs-LAND
To: com-priv () psi com (com-priv)
cc: farber () central cis upenn edu (David Farber)
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CyberWire Dispatch // Copyright (c) 1994 // 
 
Jacking in from the "Mo' Money" Port:
 
MONEY FOR NOTHING AND THE VOTES ARE FREE...
 
Washington, DC -- Telecommunications and entertainment companies poured
$5.54 million into campaign warchests during the first 18 months of the
1992-1994 election cycle, according to a computer-assisted analysis of
campaign contributions from the Federal Election Commission. 
 
The Communications & Electronics sector gave a total of $9.71 million
in
campaign contributions through their Political Action Committees (PAC)
during the full 1990-1992 election cycle, according to the nonpartisan
Center for Responsive Politics (CRP).
 
The sector includes local and long distance telephone companies,
communications equipment makers, broadcasters, cable operators and
entertainment companies.
 
Although telecommunications reform was one of the hottest topics during
the
run of the 103rd Congress, PAC contributions were down 15 percent this
election cycle, compared with the same time frame during the 1990-1992
cycle, according to CRP.
 
PACs may have been holding back their contributions until late in the
election cycle in a strategic move to gauge how several of the
campaigns
were fairing, said Joshua Goldstein, who tracks contributions for CRP. 


 
Republicans stand to gain a substantial number of seats in both the
House
and Senate.  Political strategists say there's an outside chance the
GOP
could regain control of both.
 
The battle for the heart and soul of the local loop is reflected in the
PAC
spending patterns.  Of the top 15 PAC contributors, 10 come from the
telephone industry.  These 10 PACs contributed $2.6 million, or 44
percent
of all the money from the Communications & Entertainment sector during
this
cycle.
 
PACs are always important players, able to give up to $5,000 per
election
cycle.  Incumbents usually reap the lion's share of the contributions.
 
With Democrats holding both the House and Senate, it's no surprise that
the
telephone companies, which have given $3 million during this cycle,
have
favored Democrats (55.9 percent) over Republicans (44.1 percent).
 
Media and entertainment companies have given $1.34 million during the
same
time, but have heavily favored Democrats (61.7 percent) vs. Republicans
(38.3 percent).  This group includes Hollywood, which traditionally
favors
Democratic candidates.
 
The top House recipient during the first 18 months was Rep. Jack Fields
(R-Tex.) with $167,896.  Fields is the ranking minority member on the
Telecommunications and Finance Subcommittee.  He cosponsored the
telecommunications reform act in the House with Subcommittee Chairman
Edward Markey (D-Mass.).  Markey doesn't accept PAC donations.  
 
The top Senate recipient is Conrad Burns (R-Mont.), who sits on
influential
Communications Subcommittee, where the telecommunications reform act
was
first hatched.  Burns, elected in 1988 with 52 percent of the vote, is
in a
hotly contested battle for his job.
 
Legislators and PAC officials insist campaign contributions don't
influence
votes or buy favors.  However, as the political winds have shifted in
Washington, with the GOP sensing it might win big, Republican leaders
have
been practically brow beating PACs, telling them they want the money
now
rather than later, after their candidates are the incumbents.
 
House Minority Whip New Gingrich (R-Ga.) set off mild controversy in
Washington a month ago when warned a group of business PACs --
including
those from the communications and entertainment industries -- that a
continued show of force to "prop up" Democrat incumbents would result
in
"the two coldest years in Washington" they'd seen in recent history if
control of the Hill were wrested from the Dems to the GOP.
 
But PAC officials say they don't respond to pressure tactics.  However,
during a GOP luncheon during the second week of October, Fields and
Gingrich raked in $110,500 in contributions, with 90 percent of those
coming from 12 communications companies.
 
Just how important these PACs are to the overall political agenda can
be
seen in a largely overlooked transaction.  This year, several Baby
Bells
spent millions to "clean up" their image for the public, by going to "a
single branded name" and doing away with local telephone company names.
The almost 100 year old Chesepeak & Potomic Telephone Co. became
simply,
"Bell Atlantic."  And "Bell of Pennsylvania" became "Bell
Atlantic--Pennslyvania."
 
Overlooked apparently -- or not -- were the political arms of these
local
phone companies.  Local phone companies contributed PAC money under
their
old names, not the new "corporate identity" name.  After all, a Senator
or
Representative should know exactly where the money is coming from, no?
Yeah, I thought so.
 
Are these campaign contributions just "good government" -- as one
telephone
company official asserted -- or something more?
 
"If you want me to tell you that our money buys us a vote on a
particular
bill at a particular time, I say: 'Fuck You,' it doesn't," according to
a
prominent lobbyist for one of the regional telephone companies. 
 
"However, if you ask me, 'Do we get better access because of a couple
of
$1,000 checks?'  I'll guarantee you that two grand gets us in the door
and
gets our telephone calls returned before Joe Blow from the home
office," he
said.  "And it sure as hell gets our calls returned before yours."
 
Meeks out...
 


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