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IP: Commission warned Bush


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Thu, 13 Sep 2001 15:48:48 -0400



Subject: [AnInfP] Commission warned Bush

But White House passed on recommendations by a bipartisan, Defense
Department-ordered commission on domestic terrorism.

Forwarded by Garry Margolis

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SALON.COM
By Jake Tapper

Sept. 12, 2001 | WASHINGTON -- They went to great pains not to sound
as though they were telling the president "We told you so."

But on Wednesday, two former senators, the bipartisan co-chairs of a
Defense Department-chartered commission on national security, spoke
with something between frustration and regret about how White House
officials failed to embrace any of the recommendations to prevent
acts of domestic terrorism delivered earlier this year.

Bush administration officials told former Sens. Gary Hart, D-Colo.,
and Warren Rudman, R-N.H., that they preferred instead to put aside
the recommendations issued in the January report by the U.S.
Commission on National Security/21st Century. Instead, the White
House announced in May that it would have Vice President Dick Cheney
study the potential problem of domestic terrorism -- which the
bipartisan group had already spent two and a half years studying --
while assigning responsibility for dealing with the issue to the
Federal Emergency Management Agency, headed by former Bush campaign
manager Joe Allbaugh.

The Hart-Rudman Commission had specifically recommended that the
issue of terrorism was such a threat it needed far more than FEMA's
attention.

Before the White House decided to go in its own direction, Congress
seemed to be taking the commission's suggestions seriously, according
to Hart and Rudman. "Frankly, the White House shut it down," Hart
says. "The president said 'Please wait, we're going to turn this over
to the vice president. We believe FEMA is competent to coordinate
this effort.' And so Congress moved on to other things, like tax cuts
and the issue of the day."

"We predicted it," Hart says of Tuesday's horrific events. "We said
Americans will likely die on American soil, possibly in large numbers
-- that's a quote (from the commission's Phase One Report) from the
fall of 1999."

On Tuesday, Hart says, as he sat watching TV coverage of the attacks,
he experienced not just feelings of shock and horror, but also
frustration. "I sat tearing my hair out," says the former two-term
senator. "And still am."

Rudman generally agrees with Hart's assessment, but adds: "That's not
to say that the administration was obstructing."

"They wanted to try something else, they wanted to put more
responsibility with FEMA," Rudman says. "But they didn't get a chance
to do very much" before terrorists struck on Tuesday.

The White House referred an inquiry to the National Security Council,
which did not return a call for comment.

The bipartisan 14-member panel was put together in 1998 by
then-President Bill Clinton and then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich,
R-Ga., to make sweeping strategic recommendations on how the United
States could ensure its security in the 21st century.

In its Jan. 31 report, seven Democrats and seven Republicans
unanimously approved 50 recommendations. Many of them addressed the
point that, in the words of the commission's executive summary, "the
combination of unconventional weapons proliferation with the
persistence of international terrorism will end the relative
invulnerability of the U.S. homeland to catastrophic attack."

"A direct attack against American citizens on American soil is likely
over the next quarter century," according to the report.

The commission recommended the formation of a Cabinet-level position
to combat terrorism. The proposed National Homeland Security Agency
director would have "responsibility for planning, coordinating, and
integrating various U.S. government activities involved in homeland
security," according to the commission's executive summary.

Other commission recommendations include having the proposed National
Homeland Security Agency assume responsibilities now held by other
agencies -- border patrol from the Justice Department, Coast Guard
from the Transportation Department, customs from the Treasury
Department, the National Domestic Preparedness Office from the FBI,
cyber-security from the FBI and the Commerce Department.
Additionally, the NHSA would take over FEMA, and let the "National
Security Advisor and NSC staff return to their traditional role of
coordinating national security activities and resist the temptation
to become policymakers or operators."

The commission was supposed to disband after issuing the report Jan.
31, but Hart and the other commission members got a six-month
extension to lobby for their recommendations. Hart says he spent 90
minutes with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, and an hour with
Secretary of State Colin Powell lobbying for the White House to
devote more attention to the imminent dangers of terrorism and their
specific, detailed recommendations for a major change in the way the
federal government approaches terrorism. He and Rudman briefed
National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice on the commission's
findings.

For a time, the commission seemed to be on a roll.

On April 3, before the Senate Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on
Terrorism and Technology, Hart sounded a call of alarm, saying that
an "urgent" need existed for a new national security strategy, with
an emphasis on intelligence gathering.

"Good intelligence is the key to preventing attacks on the homeland,"
Hart said, arguing that the commission "urges that homeland security
become one of the intelligence community's most important missions."
The nation needed to embrace "homeland security as a primary national
security mission." The Defense Department, for instance, "has placed
its highest priority on preparing for major theater war" where it
"should pay far more attention to the homeland security mission."
Homeland security would be the main purpose of beefed-up National
Guard units throughout the country.

A new strategy, new organizations like the National Homeland Security
Agency -- which would pointedly "not be heavily centered in the
Washington, D.C. area" -- would be formed to fulfill this mission, as
well with the fallout should that mission fail. As the U.S. is now,
the Phase III report stated, "its structures and strategies are
fragmented and inadequate." Diplomacy was to be refocused on
intelligence sharing about terrorist groups. Allies were to have
their military, intelligence and law enforcement agencies work more
closely with ours. Border security was to be beefed up.

More resources needed to be devoted to the new mission. "The Customs
Service, the Border Patrol, and the Coast Guard are all on the verge
of being overwhelmed by the mismatch between their growing duties and
their mostly static resources," the report stated. Intelligence
needed to focus not only on electronic surveillance but a renewed
emphasis on human surveillance -- informants and spies -- "especially
on terrorist groups covertly supported by states." As the threat was
imminent, Congress and the president were urged to "start right away
on implementing the recommendations put forth here."

Congress seemed interested in enacting many of the commission's
recommendations. "We had a very good response from the Hill," Rudman
says.

In March, Rep. Mac Thornberry, R-Texas, introduced the National
Homeland Security Agency Act. Other members of Congress -- Rep. Wayne
Gilchrest, R-Md., John Kyl, R-Ariz., Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif. --
talked about the issue, and these three and others began drafting
legislation to enact some of the recommendations into law.

But in May, Bush announced his plan almost as if the Hart-Rudman
Commission never existed, as if it hadn't spent millions of dollars,
"consulting with experts, visiting 25 countries worldwide, really
deliberating long and hard," as Hart describes it. Bush said in a
statement that "numerous federal departments and agencies have
programs to deal with the consequences of a potential use of a
chemical, biological, radiological or nuclear weapon in the United
States. But to maximize their effectiveness, these efforts need to be
seamlessly integrated, harmonious and comprehensive." That, according
to the president, should be done through FEMA, headed by Allbaugh,
formerly Bush's gubernatorial chief of staff.

Bush also directed Cheney -- a man with a full plate, including
supervision of the administration's energy plans and its dealings
with Congress -- to supervise the development of a national
counter-terrorism plan. Bush announced that Cheney and Allbaugh would
review the issues and have recommendations for him by Oct. 1. The
commission's report was seemingly put on the shelf.

Just last Thursday, Hart spoke with Rice again. "I told her that I
and the others on the commission would do whatever we could to work
with the vice president to move on this," Hart said. "She said she
would pass on the message."

On Tuesday, Hart says he spent much of his time on the phone with the
commission's executive director, Gen. Charles G. Boyd. "We agreed the
thing we should not do is say, 'We told you so,'" Hart says. "And
that's not what I'm trying to do here. Our focus needs to be: What do
we do now?"

Of course, as a former senator, Hart well knows what happens to the
recommendations of blue-chip panels. But he says he thought that the
gravity of the issue -- and the comprehensiveness of the commission's
task -- would prevent its reports from being ignored. After all, when
then-Secretary of Defense William Cohen signed the charter for the
21st Century National Security Strategy Study, he charged its members
to engage in "the most comprehensive security analysis" since the
groundbreaking National Security Act of 1947, which created the
National Security Council, the Central Intelligence Agency and the
Office of Secretary of Defense, among other organizations.

Neither Hart nor Rudman claim that their recommendations, if enacted,
would have necessarily prevented Tuesday's tragedy. "Had they adopted
every recommendation we had put forward at that time I don't think it
would have changed what happened," Rudman says. "There wasn't enough
time to enact everything. But certainly I would hope they pay more
attention now."

"Could this have been prevented?" Hart asks. "The answer is, 'We'll
never know.' Possibly not." It was a struggle to convince President
Clinton of the need for such a commission, Hart says. He urged
Clinton to address this problem in '94 and '95, but Clinton didn't
act until 1998, prompted by politics. "He saw Gingrich was about to
do it, so he moved to collaborate," Hart says. "Seven years had gone
by since the end of the Cold War. It could have been much sooner."

Rudman said that he "would not be critical of them [the Bush
administration] this early because the bottom line is, a lot has to
be done." The commission handed down its recommendations just eight
and a half months ago, he said, and they'll take years to fully enact.

"On the other hand," Rudman said, "if two years go by and the same
thing happens again, shame on everybody.

"I'm not pointing fingers," Rudman said. "I just want to see some
results." He may get his wish. On Wednesday, Thornberry renewed his
call for a National Homeland Security Agency. Sen. Harry Reid,
D-Nev., the assistant majority leader, called for the formation of a
federal counter-terrorism czar.

Three days ago, if asked to predict what the first major foreign
terrorist attack on America soil would involve, Hart says he would
have guessed small nuclear warheads simultaneously unleashed on three
American cities. But, he says, "there wasn't doubt in anyone's mind
on that commission" that something horrific would happen "probably
sooner rather than later. We just didn't know how."

In addition to the Bush administration, Hart has another group that
he wishes had paid the commission's suggestions more heed. "The
national media didn't pay attention," Hart says. One senior reporter
from a well-known publication told one of Hart's fellow
commissioners, "This isn't important, none of this is ever going to
happen," Hart says. "That's a direct quote."

Hart points out that while the New York Times mentioned the
commission in a Wednesday story with the sub-headline "Years of
Unheeded Alarms," that story was the first serious mention the Times
itself had ever given the commission. The Times did not cover the
commission's report in January, nor did it cover Hart's testimony in
April, he points out. "We're in an age where we don't want to deal
with serious issues, we want to deal with little boys pitching
baseballs who might be 14 instead of 12."

Hart says he just shook his head when he saw a former Clinton
administration Cabinet official on TV Tuesday calling for the
formation of a commission to study the best way to combat terrorism.
"If a former Cabinet officer didn't know, how could the average man
on the street? I do hope the American people understand that somebody
was paying attention."

In his April 3 testimony, Hart noted that "the prospect of mass
casualty terrorism on American soil is growing sharply. That is
because the will to terrorism and the ways to perpetrate it are
proliferating and merging. We believe that, over the next quarter
century, this danger will be one of the most difficult national
security challenges facing the United States -- and the one we are
least prepared to address." He urgently described the need for better
human intelligence and not just electronic intelligence, "especially
on terrorist groups covertly supported by states."

He's far from happy to have been proven correct. Both Hart and Rudman
say with grim confidence that Tuesday's attacks are just the
beginning. Maybe now, Rudman says, Congress, the White House, the
media and the American people will realize how serious they were
about their January report.

"Human nature is prevalent in government as well," Rudman says. "We
tend not to do what we ought to do until we get hit between the eyes."
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About the writer
Jake Tapper is Salon's Washington correspondent and the author of
"Down and Dirty: The Plot to Steal the Presidency."



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