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IP: [do you sleep better now djf] essay: CRISIS DE-ESCALATION


From: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>
Date: Tue, 30 Mar 1999 03:28:53 -0500



Please note neither JOCK NOR I ARE THE AUTHOR. djf
Date: Mon, 29 Mar 1999 21:03:20 -0500
From: Jock Gill <jgill () penfield-gill com>
To: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>


Dave,

This is longer than usual, but I would really like to know what the
IP list thinks.  BTW, I am not the author.  It was sent without
attribution.  None the less, I find the analysis and arguments in the
essay to be both compelling and sobering.

Regards,

Jock

CRISIS DE-ESCALATION

ABSTRACT: Events in the former Yugoslavia have produced a
deterioration in United States/Russian Federation relations which
constitute the most real possibility of a generalized European war
since 1945. This memo offers an assessment and a workable exit
strategy for this crisis.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: The ideological clash between Eastern and
Western Europe has its roots in the theological schism between the
Latin-Catholic West and the Greek-Orthodox East. Pan-Slavic,
Eastern-Orthodox solidarity between Russia and Serbia must be viewed
as absolute for at least the last 150 years. It is doubtful that the
Russians can permit Ground Forces to attack the Serbians, and
possibly, occupy Serbia without responding. Russian failure to take
military action may well collapse the Yeltsin government, and lead to
its replacement by either extreme rightwing nationalist elements, a
de facto military government, or the reascension of the Communist
Party to power.

The historical significance of Kosovo lies at the heart of Serbian
identity vis-a-vis their apocalyptic conflict with the Ottoman
Turks.  The brutality of Serbian conduct in Kosovo in recent days is
undeniable and at stake is a perception of NATO by the entire Muslim
world which could have long-range implications for the West's
relations with Islam as well as political reactions by NATO peoples
revulsed by Serbian brutality.

Nonetheless, the recognition of and eventual solution of the now de
facto Kosovar-Albanian refugee problem must be subordinated to the
more pressing need for active Russian participation and cooperation
in any viable and stable regional state system. Current events
threaten t he stability of Macedonia, Albania, and the still restive
Croatia and Bosnia. But, the ultimate theater danger stems from the
two NATO members, Greece and Turkey, who could be drawn into the
conflict on opposite sides.

Compensatory action must come before the Russians send volunteers,
regular units or weapons to Serbia in defiance of the UN embargo
against Serbia in an effort to create either a Vietnam-like quagmire
for the US and NATO or to engage in a direct conflict using Russian
forces. They are preparing to make this kind of military commitment
as a token of Russian seriousness and regional importance, and as a
signal to their own population of their still-potent military
status.  Once military and political preparations have been placed on
an actual war-footing, it is impossible to predict what might trigger
generalized hostilities in any situation, much less the now fully
inflamed Balkan Theater.

CRISIS PROBLEM: Serbia is not the primary crisis; US-Russian
relations are the main event.  The Serbs will fight to annihilation
and pan-slavic [Russian] galvanization against NATO and the US is
imminent and occurent as the bombing continues. Russian humiliation
and loss of face over the last ten years has reached critical mass
and has been sublated to a near war fervor.  Any clash -- repeat any
-- with NATO or American forces will play further into the hands of
the worst extreme rightwing elements in Russia. The NATO air assault
on Serbia, following on the heels of the integration of Poland,
Checkoslovakia, and Hungary into NATO, has further fueled an
historical and emotional response which interacts synergistically
with Russian strategic perceptions of genuine threats on their own
borders and buffer states (Ukraine, Romania). The possibility of war
with Russia is non-zero -- and could go theater nuclear.

DIPLOMATIC SOLUTION: In six days since the bombing began,
American-Russian relations have reached their most dangerous point of
confrontation ever. An exit strategy for NATO and bridge building
strategy for America and Russia must be implemented immediately.

Any exit strategy must allow both sides to retreat from the precipice
with honor and dignity and obtain multi-partisan support for a
rational rapprochement in the principle countries [America and
Russia], whose vital and improving good relations have been
egregiously disrupted by the regrettable events in the Balkans since
the break up of the former Yugoslavia.

No vital American interest will be served by sending ground troops
into Kosovo.

EXIT STRATEGY: Immediate talks must be held with the Russian
government on its highest levels.  The will of the American people as
well as their vital interests are patently to assure good relations
and future cooperation with the Russian Federation with respect to
European peace and security as well as numerous areas of cultural,
economic and scientific cooperation. The current policy is dangerous
and untenable.  A new policy must be associated with new implementors
who have the experience to deal with the Russians credibly. If the
administration is to successfully signal a change of policy and
disassociate itself from escalating collateral carnage in Serbia as
well as the worsening and increasingly embittered state of Russian
relations, it must send a new face to deal with a Russian perception
of unparalleled affront to their historical sensibilities and their
notions of current strategic necessity and danger. Arrangements with
the IMF are an inadequate guarantor of stable relations between major
powers whose vital strategic and political interests are perceived as
gravely threatened.  Madeline Albright should resign to be replaced
by James Baker, a seasoned hand with whom the Russians have had
rapport and whose appointment will enhance bipartisan support in the
US.

Patently, the current policy has blundered into confrontation with a
major threat which it had not foreseen. The new governments of
Britain, France, and Germany are inexperienced. In seeking to assert
an overly-localized view of European security, which fails to take
into account relations between the US and the Russian Federation,
these Governments have transformed a regional  peacemaking exercise
into a major power confrontation and have rekindled many of the most
dangerous impulses of the Cold War between these Great Powers. The
damage inflicted on Serbia by Operation Allied Force approximates an
appropriate punishment for Serbian brutality in Kosovo. The signal
failure of the current State Department policy to apprehend and
foresee the implications of its potential for major power
confrontation necessitates a new Appointment. The new Appointment
must retrieve lost ground and reverse Russian perceptions of
increasing marginalization by NATO in their historical and current
Sphere of Influence. It is as important for the new Appointment to
reassure the Russians of our respect and desire for a Great Power
relationship as it is to enlist their aid in solving the current
crisis, indeed perhaps more so. The current crisis between the United
States and the Russian Federation can be seen as a self-amplifying
confrontation stemming from the initial failure of the US to have
consulted Russia and coordinated action with Russia in a fashion
consistent with Russia's image as a damaged but still Real World
Power. If the widening chasm is not closed swiftly, even future US
Administrations may be unable to avoid new and hostile threats and
alliances, whose structure is currently unforeseeable, but which may
run the gamut from a Red-Brown alliance in Russia to a Eurasian
alliance between Moscow, Bejing, and others, either of which may pose
a New Peer Threat and necessitate a full-scale Two-War Capability by
the United States.

SUMMARY CONCLUSION: The possibility of a genuinely unforeseen
incident, which could spiral out of control into a general armed
conflict directly between the United States and the Russian
Federation, as well as some of the possibilities cited above, must be
obviated by good sense, good faith, and sound statesmanship at this
extremely dangerous crossroads in post-Cold War Relations between the
two Great Powers.




--
____________________________________________________________________
Jock Gill
www.penfield-gill.com
Infrared Internet Vision
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